राजनीतिक समस्याको जरो

दीपक गजुरेल

नेपालको आन्तरिक राजनीति झन्‍ जटिलता तर्फ बढ्‍दै गर्दा विदेशीहरुको गतिविधि व्यापक रुपमा भैराखेको छ । नेपाल प्रति चासो राख्ने र आ–आफ्नो स्वार्थ पूरा गर्न चाहने महाशक्ति देखि क्षेत्रीय शक्ति राष्ट्रहरु निकै सक्रिय भएका छन्‍, यसबेला । 'नेपालमा शान्ति र स्थिरताका लागि' भनेर नेपालका छिमेकी चीन र भारत, विश्व महाशक्ति अमेरिका, अनि यूरोपियन युनियन सम्बद्ध राष्ट्र लगायत अन्य समेत अहिले निकै दौडधुप गरिराखेका छन्‍ ।

नेपालको आन्तरिक मामलामा विदेशीहरुको 'चलखेल' बढ्‍यो, यो हाम्रा लागि राम्रो होइन भन्ने धारणा एकथरीको आएको छ । विदेशीले टाढा बसेर हामीले चाहेको सहयोग गर्ने मात्र हो, निर्णय त हामीले नै गर्ने हो भन्ने धारणा एकातिर आएको छ भने कूटनीतिका विज्ञहरु अहिले चलिराखेको कूटनीतिक प्रक्रिया अमर्यादित भएको बताउँदै छन्‍ । वास्तबमा, आफ्नो निहित चाहना अनुरुप कुनै काम हुँदा वा नहुँदा आउने प्रतिक्रिया मात्र हुन्‍, यी बिचार, अहिलेको सन्दर्भमा ।

समस्याको जरो

'सहमति' को राजनीति गर्नेहरुबीच अलि अघि देखि नै देखापरेको र अहिले अझ तीव्र बनेको शत्रुता र भिडन्तको वर्तमान अवस्थामा विदेशीहरुले सक्रियता बढाउनु स्वभाविक हो । आफ्नो राष्ट्रको हितलाई भन्दा पराइको स्वार्थ अनुरुप चल्ने परिपाटी बसालिए पछि विदेशीहरुले यसो गर, यसो नगर भनेर दवाव दिनु स्वभाविक मात्र होइन, नेपालको वर्तमान सन्दर्भमा अनिवार्य रुपमा निम्त्याइएको परिस्थिति हो ।

नयाँ संविधान निर्माण गरी जारी गर्नुपर्ने अन्तिम समयमा पछाडि फर्कन नसक्ने गरी भिडन्तमा गएका छन्‍ 'शान्ति प्रक्रियाका मित्रहरु' । संविधान कहिले र कसरी बन्ने हो भन्ने विषयलाई पूरै ओझेलमा पारिएको छ । एउटाले अर्कोलाई सिध्याउने रणनीतिमा लागेका देखिँदैछन्‍ संसदवादी दलहरु र माओवादी । यिनीहरु अहिले हिँडिराखेको बाटो र यिनीहरुले अपनाएको शैली हेर्दा यतिञ्जेलको मित्रता कृत्रिम तथा प्रायोजित थियो भन्ने प्रष्ट भएको छ ।

'सहमति' एउटा निश्चित बिन्दूसम्म कायम रह्यो र प्रारम्भिक चरण लगभग सजिलै अघि बढ्‍यो । मूल रुपमा संविधानसभाको चुनाव पछि समस्या शुरु भएको हो । संसदवादी र माओवादी आफैँले स्वनिर्णयका आधारमा काम नगरेकाले समस्या खाडा भएको हो । विदेशीको योजना मुताविक उनीहरुकै निर्देशनमा काम गरे, यी दुबै पक्षले आरम्भदेखि नै । अहिले विवाद, गतिरोध र भिडन्त उग्र हुनुको मूल कारण भारतको पूर्वयोजना अनुसार प्रक्रिया अघि नबढ्‍नु र स्थिति फरक ढंगमा देखा पर्नु हो ।

सहमतिका लागि अहिले भैराखेको भनिएका प्रयास र वार्ताहरु नेपाली नागरिकहरुलाई अलमल्याउने चाल मात्र हुन्‍ । यथार्थ चाहिँ विदेशीहरुको निर्देशन तथा दवाव फरक फरक ढंगले र परस्पर विरोधी रुपमा आउन थाल्नु हो । विदेशीको निर्देशन र योजना अनुसार उनीहरुकै भूमि र दूताबासमा गएर वार्ता र सम्झौता गरेका हुन्‍ हाम्रा नेताहरुले । र अहिले पनि त्यो प्रवृत्ति जारी छ । त्यसैले 'यिनीहरुलाई केही लोभ देखाइदियो भने जे पनि गराउन सकिन्छ' भन्ने मान्यताका आधारमा बाहिरिया शक्तिहरु अहिले काम गरिराखेका छन्‍ ।

परिस्थिति फेरियो

विश्व शक्ति समीकरणका प्रभावशाली शक्तिहरु मध्ये केहीले भारत निर्देशित १२ बुँदे सम्झौताप्रति त्यसैबेला असन्तुष्टि व्यक्त गरेका हुन्‍ । यथार्थमा आधारित त्यो बिचारलाई बेवास्ता गरेर नेपाली 'लोकतन्त्रवादी' हरु मनपरी ढंगले अघि बढे, जथाभावी कामहरु गरे र अन्तत: दिल्ली सम्झौताका दुबै पक्ष क्रमैसंग नराम्रो गरी फँस्न पुगे, जटिलतामा । त्यसकै परिणाम हो अहिलेको स्थिति ।

नेपालमा 'अभूतपूर्व' र 'चमत्कारपूर्ण' कामहरु भैरहँदा चीन लगायत केही सरोकारवाला चुप लागेर परिस्थितिको मूल्याङ्कन गरेर बसे, १२ बुँदे सहमति पछिको समयमा । खास गरी चीन र अमेरिका नेपालमा राजनीति कसरी अघि बढाइँदोरहेछ भनी हेरेर तथा मूल्याङ्कन गरेर बसे । यो अवधिमा चीनले आफूलाई नकारात्मक असर पर्ने प्रष्ट आधारहरु देख्यो । र भारतको योजना अनुरुपको यो प्रक्रियालाई अझ अघि बढ्‍न दिइएको खण्डमा चीनको स्वार्थमा खतरा आइलाग्ने देख्यो, बेइजिङ्गले । त्यसैले बेइजिङ्ग यो प्रक्रिया अब अघि बढ्‍न र पूर्व निर्धारित टुङ्गोमा नपुगोस्‍ भन्ने चाहन्छ । यो स्वभाविक पनि छ, किनभने, भारतले आफ्नो स्वार्थका लागि मनपरी गरेको नेपालमा अर्को छिमेकी चीनले आफूमाथि आइलाग्न सक्ने खतरा देखेपछि आफू जोगिने चाहना राखेर सोही अनुरुप प्रयत्न गर्नु स्वभाविक हो ।

चार वर्षको यो अवधिमा विश्वास गर्न योग्य कुनै राजनीतिक शक्ति चीनले नेपालमा फेला पार्न सकेन भन्ने चीनका हालका प्रतिक्रियाले प्रष्ट पारेका छन्‍ ।

अमेरिकाले पनि आफ्नो चाहना अनुसारको परिस्थिति नेपालमा निर्माण हुन नसक्ने देखिसक्यो । त्यसैले चीन र अमेरिका, र शायद अरु शक्ति पनि, भारतीय योजना अनुरुप नेपालको राजनीति अघि नबढोस्‍ भन्ने चाहना राख्छन्‍ भन्ने अब बिस्तारै प्रष्ट हुँदैगएको छ ।

भारतको योजना मुताविक नेपाल अघि जाँदा चीन र अमेरिका दुबैलाई स्वीकार्य हुँदैन । संविधानसभाको चुनावको मतदान आरम्भ भएको केही घण्टामै 'निर्वाचन स्वतन्त्र तथा निश्पक्ष' भएको टिप्पणी आएको कुरा यतिबेला सम्झनु सान्दर्भिक हुन्छ । नेपालको भूराजनीतिक अवस्था, अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय शक्ति समीकरण र बदलिएको क्षेत्रीय परिस्थितिका हिसाबले यो अवस्था निर्माण भएको हो ।

तर नेपालमा चीन, अमेरिका र भारतको स्वार्थ परस्पर विरोधी छन्‍ । चीनको मुख्य चासो भनेको उसको सुरक्षा हो, खास गरी नेपाली सीमासंग जोडिएको तिब्बत चीनको लागि गम्भीर चासोको पक्ष हो । बितेको चार वर्षको अवधिमा नेपाली भूमिमा र नेपाली भूमि भएर चीन विरुद्ध जे जस्ता कामहरु भैराखेका छन्‍, त्यसप्रति चीन सतर्क हुनु जरुरी थियो, र अहिले देखिएको नेपाली परिदृश्य त्यही सतर्कताको परिणामको एउटा अंश हो ।

ठीक त्यस्तै स्थिति अमेरिकाको सन्दर्भमा लागू भैराखेको छ अहिले । दिल्ली सम्झौताले नेपाललाई हानी गर्छ है भनेर उसैबेला जनाउ दिएको अमेरिकाले यसबेला कस्तो भूमिका निर्वाह गरिराखेको छ भन्ने सहजै अनुमान गर्न सकिन्छ । त्यसैले, उसबेला भारतको योजना अनुसार हिँड्‍ने नेपालका राजनीतिक शक्तिहरु मध्ये केहीलाई भारत बाहेकका बाहिरी शक्तिले निर्देशन र दवाव दिन थाले पछि हाम्रा नेताहरु अप्ठ्‍यारोमा परेका हुन्‍ । एउटालाई भारतले बोक्ने र चालू 'शान्ति प्रक्रिया' लाई दिल्लीको योजना मुताविक टुङ्गोमा पुर्‍याउने प्रयास भैराखेको छ । भारतले नै शक्तिशाली बनाइदिएको अर्कालाई भारत बाहेकका शक्तिले बोक्ने र आफ्ना योजना मुताविक हिँडाउन थालेपछि यो जटिलता उत्पन्न भएको हो ।

यही अदृश्य तर निश्चित शक्ति संघर्षका कारण भारतले शुरु गराएको १२ बुँदे सम्झौता देखिको 'शान्ति प्रक्रिया' मा चल्ने नेपाली संसदवादी र माओवादीहरु अहिले एक अर्काको पोल खोल्न थालेका छन्‍ । 'ब्ल्याकमेल' को राजनीति शुरु भएको छ । यो प्रक्रिया यहिँ रोकिने संभावना छै्रन, र यसले भारत लगायत अन्य कतिपयको 'दुख्ने नशा' थिचिदिने खतरा बढ्‍दै गएको छ । यतातिर सम्बन्धितहरुले गम्भीरतापूर्वक ध्यान दिएनन्‍ भने भोलिको दृश्य सोचिएको भन्दा भयावह हुन सक्छ ।

भारत बाहेकका बाहिरी शक्तिहरु नेपालमा यति सशक्त रुपमा अघि बढ्‍का छन्‍ यसबेला कि भारतको एकाधिकारमा धक्का लागेको छ, अहिले । चीनले हालै 'नेपालमा शान्ति तथा स्थिरता भएन भने त्यसको असर क्षेत्रीय शान्ति तथा स्थिरतामा पर्नेछ' भनेर भारतलाई स्पष्ट सन्देश दिएको छ, अब सकियो नेपालमा तिम्रो हालीमुहाली भनेर ।

नेपालमा मात्र होइन, विगत्‍ केही समय यता चीनले दक्षिण एशियाली क्षेत्रमा बिस्तार गरिराखेको बलियो उपस्थितिले पनि चार बर्ष अघिको भारतीय नेपाल योजनामा धक्का लाग्ने संकेत देखिएकै हो । त्यसैले अब नेपालीले मात्र होइन, नेपाल राष्ट्र तथा नेपाली नागरिकको चाहनालाई बेवास्ता गर्दै केहीलाई हातमा लिएर नेपालमा मनपरी गर्नेहरुले समेत होस्‍ पुर्‍याउनु श्रेयष्कर हुनेछ ।

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रहश्य खोल्ने पालो अब भारतको

दीपक गजुरेल

नेपालको राजनीतिक भविष्य अन्यौलपूर्ण त छँदैथियो, दिन प्रति दिन झन् त्रासपूर्ण बन्दैगएको छ । 'नयाँ नेपाल' का सारथीहरु आपसी भिडन्तका लागि आमने सामने खडा भएका छन् । संविधानसभावाट नयाँ संविधान बनाउने प्रमुख जिम्मेवारीलाई पन्छाइएको छ । 'शान्ति प्रक्रियालाई तार्किक निश्कर्षमा पुर्याउने' लक्ष्य बेवारिसे बनाइएको छ ।

सत्तामा कसको हालीमुहाली हुने भन्ने विषय राजनीतिक शक्तिहरुबीच मुख्य मुद्दा बनेको छ, यसबेला । मुलुकलाई सही दिशा दिनुपर्नेहरु नै यसबेला मूल लक्ष्य छाडेर अन्यत्रै अल्मलिएका छन् ।

राजनीतिक शक्तिहरु क्रमैसंग आ–आफ्नै स्वभाविक कित्ता तर्फ लागेका छन् । मतपत्रका माध्यमवाट प्रजातान्त्रिक प्रणालीका आधारमा सत्तामा पुग्ने बाटो अपनाउनेहरु एउटा कित्तामा उभिएका छन् भने बन्दूकको आधारमा सत्ता कब्जा गर्ने लक्ष्य लिने अर्को कित्तामा ।

मतपत्र र बन्दूक संगै मिलेर नेपालमा युगान्तकारी परिवर्तन गर्ने उद्घोष गरिएको थियो, चार वर्ष अघि । एउटा निश्चित समयसम्म मतपत्रमा विश्वास गर्ने संसदवादी र बन्दूकमा विश्वास गर्ने माओवादी संगै हिँडे पनि । त्यसबेला विश्वकै उत्कृष्ट भनिएको नेपाल अधिराज्यको संविधान, २०४७ फाल्ने विषयमा यी दुबै शक्ति एकजुट भए । राजतन्त्र फालेर गणतन्त्र ल्याउने मुद्दामा मतपत्र र बन्दूकबीच अभूतपूर्व एकता भयो । हिन्दू राष्ट्र नेपाललाई धर्म निरपेक्ष तुल्याउने विषयमा यिनीहरुबीच मतभेद भएन । दशौँ लाख विदेशीलाई नेपाली नागरिक बनाउने राष्ट्रधाती खेलमा परस्पर विरोधी यी शक्तिहरु आश्चर्यजनक ढँगले एकढिक्का बने । र राष्ट्रलाई दूरगामी असर पार्ने यस्ता महत्वपूर्ण निर्णय गरिँदा नेपाली नागरिकलाई केही सोधिएन । अँध्यारो कोठामा बसेर केही व्यक्तिहरुले यी विषयहरुमा निर्णय गरे, अनि रबर छापमा परिणत गरिएको 'सभा' मा लगेर ती निर्णयहरुलाई पारित गरियो । सार्वभौम जनताको आधारभूत अधिकारलाई निषेध गरियो ।

राष्ट्रलाई घात गर्ने विषयहरुमा प्रजातान्त्रिक मूल्य मान्यता र सिद्धान्त विपरित ढँगले निर्णयहरु गरिसके पछिका दिनमा क्रमश: मतपत्र र बन्दूकले आ–आफ्नो कित्ता छुट्याउँदै लगेका हुन् । र अन्तत: यी संगै हिँड्न नसक्ने तत्वहरु हुन् भन्ने प्रष्ट भएको छ ।

विदेशीको निर्देशनमा गराइएको १२ बुँदे दिल्ली सम्झौता सार्वजनिक भएदेखि नै 'यो बाटो गलत हो, यसले नेपाललाई सही ठाउँमा पुर्याउँदैन' भनेका हुन्, 'भिजन' हुनेहरुले । तर त्यस्तो दूरदर्शी सुझाव दिनेहरुलाई 'प्रतिगामी' को बिल्ला पहिर्याइयो । र चमत्कार गर्छौँ भन्दै जथाभावी गरियो । त्यही जथाभावी तथा सिद्धान्तहीन बाटोको हिँडाइले मुलुकलाई अहिलेको अन्यौल र त्रासपूर्ण अवस्थामा पुर्याएको हो ।

रहश्यहरु खुल्दैछन्

संसदवादी राजनीतिक दल र माओवादी एकजुट हुँदा धेरै कुरा लुकाइएको रहेछ, जनतावाट भन्ने तथ्य यसबेला खुल्दै गएको छ । दिल्लीमा बसेर १२ बुँदे सम्झौतामा हस्ताक्षर गर्दादेखि पछिसम्म गरिएका लुकाइएका गलत कामहरुलाई कतिपय स्वदेशी र विदेशीहरुले त्यसैबेला बाहिर ल्याएका हुन् । तर त्यसबेला सम्झौताकारी संसदवादी र माओवादीले त्यसलाई स्वीकार गरेनन्, अनि सम्झौता गराइदिने भारतले पनि आफ्नो भूमिका अस्वीकार गर्यो ।

केही मानिसलाई सधैँ मूर्ख बनाउन सकिएला । सबैलाई केही बेर मूर्ख बनाउन सकिएला । तर सबैलाई सधैँ मूर्ख बनाएर राख्न सम्भव हुँदैन । यही शास्वत सिद्धान्त नेपालमा अहिले लागू हुँदैछ । 'महान नेपाली जनताले गरेको महान परिवर्तन' का पछाडि के कस्ता जालझेल गरिएको रहेछ त्यसबेला, भन्ने कुरा बिस्तारै बाहिर आउन थालेको छ । यद्यपि कतिपय महत्वपूर्ण पक्ष अझै लुकाइएकै छन् ।

'हिन्दुस्तानले पैसा नपठाएको भए यो परिवर्तन सम्भव नै थिएन ।' यो रहश्योद्घाटन भर्खरै गरेका छन्, नेपाल मजदूर किसान पार्टीका अध्यक्ष नारायणमान विजुक्छेले । (आजका कुरा, रेडियो सगरमाथा, बैशाख ८, २०६७) । १२ बुँदे दिल्ली सम्झौताका हस्ताक्षरकारी मध्ये एक, उसबेलाको सातदलीय गठबन्धनको एक घटकका नेता विजुक्छेको यो तथ्य उद्घाटनले धेरै कुरा प्रष्ट पार्छ । 'चमत्कारपूर्ण परिवर्तन' का सारथी मध्ये एक समेत रहेका यी नेताको यस भनाइले नेपालमा त्यो 'चमत्कार' कसले गराएको रहेछ र को–को त्यसका लागि प्रयोग भएका रहेछन् भन्ने प्रमाणित गर्छ ।

२०६२–६३ को शान्तिपूर्ण भनिएको आन्दोलनमा हजारौँ मान्छे कसरी काठमाडौँमा भेला पारिएको रहेछ भन्ने तथ्य त्यसबेला आन्दोलनमा सहभागी नभएको दावी गरिएको माओवादी नेतावाटै आएको छ, अहिले । संसदवादी काँग्रेस, एमालेका कार्यकर्ताको आवरणमा आफ्ना सशस्त्र लडाका काठमाडौँको आन्दोलनमा पठाएको कुरा माओवादीका नेता वर्षमान पुन 'अनन्त' ले अहिले सार्वजनिक गरेका छन् । (कान्तिपुर दैनिक, बैशाख ११, २०६७) । 'जनमुक्ति सेनाका ९१ जना साथीहरु हतियार सहित शान्तिपूर्ण आन्दोलनमा सहभागी थिए,' भनेर यी माओवादी उच्च नेताले सोही अखबारमा सगर्व बताएका छन् । शान्तिपूर्ण आन्दोलनमा हतियार सहित माओवादी लडाकू परिचालन गराउने काम संसदवादीहरुले गरेको तथ्य त्यसैबेला सरकारले सार्वजनिक गरेको थियो । आन्दोलनकारीहरुले कति खतरनाक खेल खेलेका रहेछन् भन्ने यथार्थ अहिले बाहिर आएको छ ।

१२ बुँदे सम्झौता भारतले गराइदिएको भन्नेहरुलाई 'प्रतिगामी' भनिएको थियो । तर '१२ बुँदे सहमति भरतीयहरुले मस्यौदा गरेर दिएको मैले देखेको छु । पेन्सिलले लेखेर पठाएका थिए,' भनेर अहिले जिम्मेवार नेतावाटै आएको छ । (पूर्व परराष्ट्रमन्त्री चक्रप्रसाद बास्तोला, नागरिक दैनिक, चैत १९, २०६६)।

२०६३ सालमा जारी गरिएको अन्तरिम संविधान भारतको चाहना अनुरुप बनाइएको तथ्य त निकै अघि सार्वजनिक भैसकेको हो । 'अन्तरिम संविधान हिन्दीमा लेखिएर आएको थियो, र त्यसलाई हामीले नेपालीमा अनुवाद गरेर जारी गरेका हौँ' भनेर सात दलका तर्फवाट सो संविधानमा हस्ताक्षर गरेका नेता नारायणमान विजुक्क्षेले उसैबेला भनेका हुन् (आजका कुरा, रेडियो सगरमाथा, माघ २, २०६३) ।

नेपाललाई धर्म निरपेक्ष बनाउन निकै ठूलो धनराशी लगानी गरिएको, नेपालमा २०६२–२०६३ को आन्दोलन गर्न १८ अर्व भारु आएको जस्ता पक्ष पनि जानकारीमा आइसकेकै हुन् । यद्यपि यी कुरा सम्बन्धित पक्षवाट १२ बुँदेको विषयमा जस्तै आधिकारिक रुपमा आउन बाँकी छ ।

सत्ताको लुछाचुँडीमा लागेका संसदवादी र माओवादीहरु एक अर्कालाई दच्काउन र आफू चोखो बन्न बिगत्मा उनीहरुले गरेका कूकर्महरु अहिले क्रमैसंग खोल्दैछन् । कतिपय गम्भीर विषयमा गरिएका कामहरु अझै रहश्यमै छन् । समयसंगै ती पनि आमनागरिकका जानकारीमा आउने छन् नै ।

रहश्य खोल्ने पालो अब भारतको

दिल्लीमा गरिएको १२ बुँदै सम्झौतादेखि पछिसम्म गरिएका सम्पूर्ण काम नेपालमा भारतको योजना अनुसार भएका थिए भन्ने लगभग पुष्टि भैसक्यो । तर त्यसबेला नेपालका आन्दोलनकारीका साथै भारतले समेत यो कुरालाई अस्वीकार गरेको थियो । भारतले अलि पछि १२ बुँदे सम्झौता आफूले गराइदिएको स्वीकारेको थियो, आफ्ना विदेश मन्त्री प्रणव मुखर्जी मार्फत (अल जजिरा टेलिभिजन, जनवरी २९, २००९)

भारतकै निर्देशन र सहयोगमा नेपालमा आन्दोलन भयो । त्यो आन्दोलनमा भारतले आफ्नो भूमिका थियो भनेर आजसम्म स्वीकारेको छैन । धेरै कुरा र पक्षहरु बाहिर आउन बाँकी छ । कतिपय सहमतिहरु गोप्य राखिएका छन् ।

आन्दोलनको अन्त्यतिर नेपाल आएका भारतीय प्रधानमन्त्रीका विशेष दूत करण सिँहले के–कस्तो भूमिका निर्वाह गरे ? त्यसबेला के सहमति वा सम्झौता भएका थिए भन्ने कुरा आधिकारिक ठाउँवाट सार्वजनिक हुनु आवश्यक छ, अब । र त्यो जानकारी नेपाली आन्दोलनकारी वा अन्य पक्षवाट होइन, भारतीय पक्षवाटै आउनु जरुरी छ ।

२०५२ सालदेखि नेपालमा सशस्त्र क्रान्ति गरेको माओवादीका शीर्ष नेताहरुले १० वर्ष मध्ये साढे आठ वर्षसम्म भारतीय राजधानीको विशिष्ठ व्यक्तिहरुको बसोबास क्षेत्रमा सुरक्षित बसेर नेपालमा क्रान्ति सञ्चालन गर्न कसरी सके ? भारतको जानकारीमा यो कुरा थिएन भन्न सकिने आधार छैन ।

१२ बुँदे सम्झौता र आन्दोलनको समाप्तिसम्म उच्चारण समेत नभएका गणतन्त्र, धर्म निरपेक्षता, संघीयता जस्ता विषय पछि उठाइयो र नेपाल राष्ट्रलाई त्यस दिशामा घिसारेर लगियो, नेपाली जनताको चाहना के हो भन्ने बुझ्ने प्रयाश सम्म नगरिकन ।

अप्रत्याशित ढंगले नियोजित रुपमा यी कदम किन र कसका इच्छा अनुसार चालिएको थियो ? आफ्नो योजना र निर्देशन अनुरुप चल्ने नेपालका संसदवादी तथा माओवादीहरु वार कि पारको भिडन्तमा लागेका अहिलेको बेला भारतले यथार्थ बताउनु अव जरुरी भैसक्यो । त्यसो गरिएन भने भारतमाथि आशँकाका औँला ठडिनेछन्, जस्ले अन्तत: भारतकै प्रतिष्ठा र स्वार्थमा असर पार्नेछ ।

deepakgajurel@gmail.com

Interactive Mass Media and Political Participation

By Deepak Gajurel

1. Introduction

The proliferation of personal computers in homes, schools, universities, and libraries have made computer-mediated communication (CMC) a mass medium. A key characteristic of CMC is the interactivity by which consumers of the computer-based media make information choices. This attribute empowers the CMC user to display and navigate hypermedia presentations or to send and receive information along the "information superhighway."

[Note: The term "hypermedia" refers to an information format in which users can search through content non-linearly. By selecting a symbol, either graphic or textual, new information related to that symbol is accessed. Users can "criss-cross the virtual landscape," i.e., re-access information through different conceptual linkages.]

Computer bulletin boards (CBBs) comprise the first "many-to-many" mass medium due to the potential for many bulletin board messages to be received by an unlimited number of CBB participants. Also, along the information superhighway, interactive hypermedia presentations in "webspace" and in "gopherspace" offer unprecedented opportunities for information archives, of various symbol sets, to be disseminated and accessed.

[Note: The terms "webspace" and "gopherspace" refer to CMC information protocols. webspace refers to the world-wide web (WWW), a multimedia information protocol which allows for hypermedia links. gopherspace refers to a protocol which presents information archives indexed within menus. Both WWW and Gopher employ the internet to connect conceptual links between information sources.]

This article concentrates on the use of interpersonal, interactive CMC within the context of popular political participation. The unprecedented involvement of the "audience," if indeed that term is appropriate to the "new media" information consumer, raises questions regarding both media uses and effects. Will a media which suits itself to individual become a force for social unity or separatism? Will social barriers between different socio-demographic and interest groups intensify or soften? Will this new media serve to decentralize media influence on social and political interaction? Can we expect popular adoption of CMC to lead to greater citizen influence in political discourse and policy decisions? Communication and social psychological theory will be utilized to frame some of these questions.

2. Personal and Interactive Media

Until a few decades ago, political media consisted almost exclusively of broadcast and print mass media. Individuals and groups who wanted to disseminate a message to a broad spectrum of citizens were limited to newspapers, magazines, books, radio, film, and, later on, television.

Following World War II, a number of technological developments resulted in a proliferation of "personal" electronic media. The term "personal" describes media to which individuals and small groups have meaningful access, and which can be used to acquire, create, store, and/or disseminate information. It also connotes a measure of independence from entities, such as film processing labs, which make the production of information tedious or subject to censorship. Citizens band radio emerged in the 1940s, followed by transistor radios and reel-to-reel audio tape in the 1950s, dry copiers, audiocassettes, and reel-to-reel video in the 1960s, portable video recorders, video cameras, and satellite dishes in the 1970s, and personal computers, personal fax machines, and camcorders in the 1980s. These innovations, which diffused quickly into western society, have arguably widened the ranks of individuals and groups who might spread political messages. “It is no coincidence that, along with this development of personal media, we have moved into an economically postindustrial society.” (Hiltz & Turoff, 1993: 454).

The impact of personal media technologies on the political and social landscape can be both deliberate and accidental. Reductions in size and price have made the personal computer practically available to individuals. In its present form, it is also arguable that computers are widely used for purposes of communication as well as mathematical calculation and other data processing. While the personal computer has joined the ranks of "personal" media, computer-mediated communication (CMC) has qualities of interconnectivity and interactivity which provide the user with far greater power in sharing messages on a global scale.

"Interconnectivity" refers to the capability of any entity on a network to send or receive messages from any other such entity. Along with the development of the personal computer, computer communication networks have spun interconnecting webs across the globe. The main conduit for the international computer communication, the Internet, has evolved into a collection of information sites capable of transferring information at ever-increasing speeds. Corporations, universities, governments, institutions, and organizations have established presence on the internet.

"Interactivity," as Rafaeli (1988: 42) explains, “is a communication characteristic which is greatest when discursive role assignment and turn-taking are non-automatic or nearly so.” This implies a level of conversationality, a blurring in the roles of sender and receiver towards serving some shared information goal. In such a scenario, no single or collective participant has absolute power over the transmission and reception of messages on the part of others. Printed media are essentially non-interactive. TV and radio, which allow for channel control, are slightly more interactive than printed media. Computer aided instruction (CAI), hypermedia, and simulations, including video games, are more interactive due to the user's continuous engagement in controlling the display of information. Computer bulletin boards and e-mail are more interactive than CAI and simulations because of their potential for asynchronous conversational interaction. Face-to-face and telephone are most interactive because of their synchronous conversational character.

Because of its capacity for interconnectivity, CMC can be considered a mass medium. CMC interconnectivity enables one to send a message to a multitude of receivers simultaneously. This is often accomplished through the CMC formats of computer bulletin boards (CBBs) and electronic mailing lists. Moreover, the internet is becoming popularly perceived as a mass medium. Originally a channel devoted to military and academic purposes, the internet is now accessible to anyone with a personal computer and modem. One count puts the growing number of internet users at nearly a billion.

3. Democratic Participation

Political participation may be loosely defined as the exercise of meaningful influence toward policy decision. The role of mass communication and citizen participation within a democracy is directly circumscribed by the model of democracy exercised within the political system. Slaton (1992: 103) outlines four models of democracy which describe different functions of citizen participation.

In a Limited Representative State, citizens are highly restricted in the extent to which they might participate in determining public policy. Their options are limited to voting for representatives, lobbying them, and campaigning for them.

In the Expanded Representative State, citizen participation is expanded to include such activities as referenda and ballot initiatives, whereby citizens may occasionally be called upon to set policy. This is similar to the notion of a Plebiscitary Democracy in which citizens participate by casting their votes on specific issues. Because policy decisions are subject to plebiscites, there is a theoretically tighter fit between public opinion and public policy. Plebiscitary democracy is well-suited to the opinion that more direct forms of democracy, including public deliberation, would prove unwieldy in large populations with fragmented and divisive interests.

In the Participatory Representative State, citizens recognize a shared responsibility and interdependency in formulating policy. Political interaction would include public discussion and debate to which political representatives would be mindful. When the interaction is characterized by uniformly shared interests and concerns as well as a common national identity, it resembles a Communitarian Democracy. “In order to maintain the vitality of a democratic system, citizens are expected to participate in ongoing conversation and debate toward choosing and effecting policy. When the interaction exhibits free competition among groups with differing interests and strategic alliances of complementary interests, this resembles Pluralist Democracy” (Abramson et al. 1988: 105).

A Representative Participatory State would assume that all or most citizens would be prepared to serve some representative function at some point in time. This model shares the characteristic of public discussion and debate. However, the determination of representatives would come about from a combined process of election and random selection. This random selection would eliminate structural biases which otherwise limit participation to those with the requisite time, money, and other resources to serve as representatives.

Within each of these systems, CMC could enhance the capability of conducting polls by efficiently distributing background information and by collecting poll data interactively. Interactive systems can improve election polling because of their ability to tailor questions based on prior response. A greater depth of information is obtained and the respondent's experience is more pleasant and less intrusive in nature.

Interactive polling would also address long-standing concerns regarding the failure of standard polling practices to tap the complex nuances of public opinion. Public opinion is, "a kind of complex organic whole which mirrored the organization of society into functional groups. The only entity worthy of the name of public opinion is something generated by interactions in such a structure and which is 'effective' in the sense that people in positions of power judge it to be worth taking into account" (Blumer, 1948: 551)

The capacity of CMC for group conversation would not be utilized under the limited representative and expanded representative states. The latter two models, participatory representative and representative participatory, would make better use of CMC's capabilities to manipulate greater volumes of information, decentralize media control, and provide interactive communication capability to citizens.

It is conceivable that a wider citizen participation within CBBs might resolve whether the character of a participatory representative state is communitarian or pluralist, and under what conditions. The characteristic of decentralization might lead one to surmise the latter. Toward this end, it would be useful to measure several groups of content-analytic indicators, including the following:

a) Homogeneity/heterogeneity of interests expressed by individuals;

b) Organizing tendencies within and across interest groups; and

c) The degree to which polarization of opinions encourages and/or inhibits dialogue.

On a smaller scale, it would be useful to determine the degree to which the CMC context itself influences the nature of participatory democracy toward communitarian or pluralist interaction. This would require either quasi-experimental or field study comparing participatory decision-making patterns in CMC and non-CMC contexts. It is likely that the incidence of a participatory representative democratic state and adoption of CMC as a popular forum for political discourse would be related in a model of mutual causation.

3.1 CMC Adoption - Participatory Representation

Following Rogers's (1983: 302) model of diffusion of innovations, specifically the issue of "reinvention," it is conceivable that the growing use of CMC for academics, industry, and commerce will lead to the acceptance of CMC for political communication. As citizens increasingly use CBBs as informal forums for political discussions, it is conceivable that candidates and elected officials will try to disseminate political messages and collect opinion feedback through that channel. If CMC is publicly perceived as a mass medium, there may develop a societal expectation for political issues to be addressed through such means in a participatory representative state.

Free speech is a major foundation to participatory representative democracy. While the interactive quality of CMC presents the capacity for individuals to be "heard" by all who care to listen, the interconnective quality of CMC, in a sense, safeguards it as a free speech forum.

3.2 Participatory Representation - CMC Adoption

A participatory representative democratic state could exist only with the coincidence of interactive communication channels linking citizens for the purpose of political communication. Such a channel has not existed which could realistically link populations of modern nation-states. Furthermore, even if all of the "voices" could be heard, it has been questionable whether individual citizens would be able to filter them in order to participate meaningfully.

As mentioned above, the interconnective and interactive characteristics of CMC make it uniquely suited to such political participation. Heuristic computer information technologies may develop to the point of sophisticatedly content analyzing verbal information, providing users with textual digests which might help a political participant cope with what might amount to reams of discursive content. It is also worth noting that protocols and customs on CBBs have developed which serve to compartmentalize CMC discourse according to discrete topics. Examination of the USENET system reveals an intricate breakdown of topics in which interested parties can quickly locate a forum of interest. When a particular topic acquires too much "traffic," subtopics are quickly established. These are some of the ways that CMC can serve as a participatory forum and pragmatically accommodate large political discourses.

4. Group Participation and Interactive Media

The employment of CMC in political discourse, in both representative and participatory contexts, present new questions and possibilities for productivity, decision-making, representation, and access to system-level discourse.

4.1 Productivity and Decision-Making

Abramson et al. (1988: 312) assert that “decision-making would become inefficient in any of the participatory systems. In public contexts, bargaining, negotiation, and compromise do not occur easily or speedily.” However, while this view might be supported in a face-to-face, teleconferenced, or vocal context, the results of studies on CMC productivity and decision-making indicate otherwise.

It is generally accepted that the text-only character of CMC strips away nonverbal and paraverbal cues which exist in face-to-face (FTF) communication. This reduces the degree to which cues of socioeconomic status differences, norms, physical appearance, and speech behavior might erect social barriers related to group stereotypes and social expectations. “This reduced cues situation would likely have an impact upon sociopolitical discourse. Users tend to participate more equally on CMC systems than in many FTF interactions” (Rice & Love, 1987: 214). Furthermore, Hiltz and Turoff (1993: 567) contend that “CMC is better thought out, better organized, and richer than natural conversation.” The verbal quality of CMC raises interesting questions of how the present mass media preoccupation with political image would be affected when candidates face an audience who read, rather than watch, their responses. Furthermore, in CMC, audience members have the capacity to directly indicate when they feel their concerns are not being seriously addressed.

Aside from the text-only characteristic, there is the matter of asynchronous communication which is afforded by CMC. Synchronous communication refers to the simultaneous presence of communicants on the communication channel, as in FTF, telephone, live radio/TV broadcasting, and teleconferencing situations. In debates and call-in shows, candidates and decision makers must answer on the spot and are often as preoccupied with how they appear in a confrontational situation as they are with how they conceptually address issues. The accent is on image and performance in the immediate sense rather than meaningful discourse.

Asynchronous communication refers to contexts in which communicants "post messages" in order of their reception, affording unlimited time and space to a message's composition. This is in sharp contrast to the exposure of television reporting, which has accelerated its news gathering to the point that a candidate's risk of verbal error is much greater than in the pre-electronic age.

4.2 Access and Ability

“Popular participation in a political discussion presupposes that the general population has both the means to access and the ability to use the relevant communication channel” (Splichal, 1993: 423). Despite the reduction in the purchasing cost of the necessary computer hardware, it is clear that a significant percentage of the population do not own, and cannot afford to purchase, this equipment. Therefore, it is a responsibility of local and national governments to ensure physical access to computer systems which are configured for such use.

Physical access, however, is not the only means issue. Another concern is the ability to use and understand the communication technology. A societal ability to engage in CMC would rely on basic instructional resources and an orchestrated program of socialization for participation within children's and adult education systems. At this point in time, issues of physical access and technological ability still combine to pose thorny questions of how far a democratic system must go to satisfy criteria for popular democratic participation.

4.3 Representation, Interests, and the Political Agenda

A reasonable query would ask how a public agenda would be set within a CMC context, with so many diverse issues being discussed simultaneously, with each interest group organizing and deliberating. How will policy and media agendas be affected? Will we see a decrease in the influence of media agendas upon the polled public agenda? Will it be appropriate or useful to derive a single public agenda? Will the representation of these non-interactive agenda-setting media entities on the internet affect the variety of perspectives expressed? Would the presence of partisan news services, including those belonging to political parties, on the internet influence the undecided or convert the opposition?

These concerns essentially converge on the question of whether the volume of messages and the number of participants drown neutralize the effects of messages because of a human inability to attend to a great portion of the traffic. It will be interesting to note whether fringe and disenfranchised groups end up with greater satisfaction at having a voice in the public forum or greater frustration in the event that they are ignored nonetheless in a din of electronic cacophony.

5. Individual Participation and Interactive Media

Previous CMC research efforts (Rafaeli, 1986: 317; Selfe & Meyer, 1991:289) have examined the ways that individual differences affect participation and the nature of CBB discourse. These differences might have special ramifications for political participation.

5.1 Gender and Power

In the case of gender, there are elements of socially expected behavior differences and power asymmetries. Women are socialized to be interdependent and cooperative while men generally exhibit communication patterns of independence and hierarchical power assertion (Tannen, 1990: 523). Herring (1993: 45), in her discourse analysis of a CMC bulletin board, distinguishes the different characteristics of woman's language and men's language. Features of women's language include "attenuated assertions, apologies, questions, personal orientation and support", whereas some features of men's language are "strong assertions, self-promotion, rhetorical questions, authoritative orientation, challenges and humor." Kaplan and Farrell (1994: 156) observed that “women's on-line conversation resembles” what Tannen calls "rapport" talk rather than "report" talk, a style men tend to favor.

Both of these styles have different strengths in political discourse. On the one hand, male communication patterns, with their focus on independence, secure a measure of empowerment through assertion. In a communication forum in which a multitude of messages vie for the attention of decision-makers, those which are imperative and unambiguous may receive more attention than those which are conciliatory or otherwise construed as equivocal. On the other hand, in a political situation where there are many fractionated interests, there may be a distinct advantage to exhibiting interdependence which would cull alliances of shared interest. It would be worthwhile to see how men and women express themselves differently in pursuit of political empowerment.

5.2 Reduced Cues, Identity, and Democratization

As mentioned previously, CMC strips away nonverbal and paraverbal cues which might, in FTF conversation, identify ethnicity and emphasize social status. This reduced cues social environment has been described by Kiesler, Siegel, & McGuire as having a "democratizing" effect on organizational communication. Visual cues such as complexion and dress, as well as audio cues of accent and inflection are nonexistent in text-only discourse. The absence of these cues imply fewer sensory stimulants which trigger stereotypical perceptions and expectations. Therefore, this characteristic might increase the incidence of empathy and alliance across the political spectrum. It might be argued that the lack of these cues limits our capability to distinguish between conversing entities, thereby lowering our levels of social comprehension. However, research findings cited by Walther (1992: 36) indicate that CMC participants are able to use textual symbols verbally and graphically to express socioemotional information. It is therefore likely that individuals may distinguish and schematically categorize their fellow participants to the same degree of uniqueness in CMC as in FTF communication.

In a study which compared mixed gender discourse in both pseudonymous and real-name computer bulletin boards, Jaffe, Lee, Huang & Oshagan (1994: 92) concluded that men tended to exhibit greater social support and socioemotional language in pseudonymous CMC than in real-name CMC contexts. Furthermore, women in the pseudonymous context tended to choose pseudonyms which were either gender-neutral or cross-gender (male) while men exhibited no such cross-gender identification need.

Because CMC is less "media rich" than FTF communication, there is a greater ability for individuals to "manage" their identities. Individuals may reveal what they wish about themselves to serve social goals, including political goals. An individual might exhibit identifying characteristics of other participants for the sake of political influence. This would certainly fit in with persuasive communication research which explores the exploitation of in-group bias on the part of salespeople.

5.3 Cognitive Dissonance in a CMC Forum

The theory of cognitive dissonance asserts that people seek consistency in their behavior and attitudes (Festinger, 1957: 91). Participation on a computer bulletin board constitutes a commitment in time as well as cognitive effort. The CMC medium is not one in which users are completely passive spectators, as they are when consuming broadcast information. Participants continuously make choices such as what topic to observe and/or discuss on the bulletin board as well as design what are usually thoughtful answers. In order to consistently reconcile the expenditure of this effort, participants might more likely to project characteristics of greater informational worth onto the bulletin board. For example, users might come under the impression that they are more politically knowledgeable as a result of such CMC participation. Political biases might become strengthened when participants make consonant assertions within the CMC discourse.

5.4 Self-Efficacy and Political Participation

Based on the theoretical framework of social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1986), purposeful action is largely contingent upon an individual's belief in his/her ability to perform that action correctly and/or effectively. This belief or degree of confidence is called "self-efficacy." According to Bandura, self-efficacy perceptions are a positively correlated function of four types of conditions:

(a) previous enactment of the behavior or similar behaviors,

(b) vicarious experiences with the behavior as communicated through live or symbolic (i.e., mediated) modeling,

(c) verbal persuasion regarding capabilities to engage in the behavior, and

(d) inferences from physiological states experienced when engaging in or anticipating the behavior.

It would be intuitive to state that a person who was both accomplished at using CBBs and experienced in political participation would be more likely to adopt CMC as a medium for political communication than one who was not so initiated.

6. Conclusions: Systemic Considerations

We live in the age of the "permanent campaign," in which incumbents are always looking toward the next election. It seems a common perception that the constant campaigning detracts from the substantive task of legislating and governing. Furthermore, rather than serving to bring candidates and elected officials closer to their constituents, the constant, immediate eye of broadcast and cable media dampen the prospects for a candid disclosure and discussion. Engineering a candidate's image is a full-time, resource-draining political necessity.

An asynchronous, cues-filtered medium, such as a CMC bulletin board, presents an opportunity for participatory representation encompassing candidates, elected officials, and constituents. Whereas the permanent campaign will probably remain an occupational nuisance of the career politician, the conduct of the campaign can follow a more efficient and collaborative communication process. It is possible that wide scale adoption of such a political communication channel, and its effective use, might increase public trust in government.

In summary, CMC, which follows a parade of personal media, have been used to produce political messages. However, the application of computer-mediated communication for political discourse has the potential to serve our present state of representative democracy or to significantly change it towards a more participatory system. For different reasons, the societal adoption of such a system might significantly alter the national character of different social groups towards either unity or separatism. Much of this might hinge on whether different segments of society have equal access to and understanding of the communication technology involved in an electronic political forum. The conduct of election campaigning might also change as a result of a more direct, verbal, and asynchronous connection with the voting public. Finally, there is the question of how this communication technology might affect some of our basic cognitive, heuristic processes which govern how we interact socially and politically.

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Comprehensive Peace Agreement, Nepal

Preamble:

Respecting people’s mandate for democracy, peace and progress expressed through repeated historic people’s movement and struggles since 1951,

Reaffirming commitments to the 12-point and 8-point agreements, and 25-point code of conduct between the seven parties and the Maoists; decisions taken during the meeting of the top leaders of the seven parties and the Maoist on November 8 along with other agreements, understandings, code of conducts and letter sent to the United Nations stating identical viewpoints by the Maoists and the Nepal government,

Pledging for progressive restructuring of the state by resolving prevailing problems related with class, ethnicity, regional and gender differences,

Reiterating commitments to competitive multiparty democratic system, civil liberties, fundamental rights, human rights, complete press freedom, rule of law and all other norms and values of democratic system,

Pledging commitments to Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 and other international humanitarian laws and values and principles of the human rights,

Guaranteeing the fundamental rights of the Nepalese people to cast their votes in the constituent assembly polls without any kind of fear,

By putting democracy, peace, prosperity, progressive social and economic transformation, independence, integrity, sovereignty and prestige of the state in the centre-stage, implement the commitments made by both the sides to hold the election to constituent assembly by mid June 2007 in a free and fair manner,

Declaring the end of armed conflict prevailing in the country since 1996 and beginning the new era of peace and co-operation as per the understanding reached between both the sides for guaranteeing the sovereignty of the Nepalese people, progressive political solution, democratic restructuring of the state and social, economic and cultural transformation of Nepalese society through the constituent assembly,

Committing to transforming the ceasefire between the Nepal government and the Maoists into permanent peace, the following comprehensive peace agreement has been reached between the Nepal government and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).

1. Preliminary

1.1. This agreement shall be called ‘Comprehensive Peace Agreement, 2006’. In short this shall be called peace agreement.

1.2. This agreement shall come into effect through public announcement by both the government and the Maoists

1.3. Both the sides shall issue directives to all the agencies under them to follow and implement this agreement immediately and shall implement it

1.4. All agreements, understandings, code of conduct and decision taken by the government, the Maoists and the seven parties enlisted in the appendix shall be inseparable part of this agreement

1.5. The agreements and understanding to be signed later to implement this agreement shall also be regarded as part of this agreement

2. Unless the subject or context otherwise requires, in this agreement:

a. Ceasefire shall mean restriction of all kinds of attacks, abduction, disappearance, imprisonment, mobilisation and strengthening of the armed force, attacking or armed actions targeted against each other between the Nepal government and the Maoists and any form of destructive, provoking or inciting activities in the society.

b. ‘Interim constitution’ shall mean the ‘Interim Constitution of Nepal 2006’ to be promulgated and exercised until a new constitution is written through Constituent Assembly.

c. ‘Interim cabinet’ shall mean the council of minister formed as per the interim constitution.

d. ‘Both Parties’ shall mean Nepal government and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).

e. ‘Prevailing laws’ shall mean the interim constitution and other existing Nepalese laws that are not inconsistent with this constitution. However, this definition shall not affect the existing legal system in the country before the announcement of the interim constitution.

f. ‘Verification’ would mean the preparation of the detailed situation of the army, combatants and arms by the United Nations after verification.

3. Political, social, economic transformation and conflict management

Both parties have agreed to formulate following programmes and policies for political, social and economic transformation and management of the existing conflict through positive means:

3.1. Based on the decision taken by the meeting of the top leaders of the seven parties and the Maoists (schedule 6) on November 8, guarantee progressive political, economic and social transformation.

3.2. Form the interim legislative – parliament, as per the interim constitution, the interim government shall hold election to constituent assembly elections by mid-June 2007 in free and fair manner and make the Nepalese people feel their inherent sovereign right.

3.3. No rights of state administration shall remain with the King. Bring the properties of late King Birendra, late Queen Aishwarya and their family members under the control of the Nepal government and use it for the welfare purposes through a trust. All properties acquired by King Gyanendra by the virtue of him being the King (like palaces of various places, forests and conservation areas, heritage having historical and archaeological importance) shall be nationalised. Determine the fate of the institution of monarchy by the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly through simple majority vote.

3.4. Promulgate the political system that fully comprehends with the concepts of universally adopted principles of fundamental human rights, multiparty competitive democratic system, sovereign rights inherent in the people and supremacy of the citizens, constitutional balance and control, rule of law, social justice and equality, independent judiciary, periodic elections, monitoring by the civil society, complete press freedom, right to information of the citizens, transparency and accountability of the activities of the political parties, people’s participation, fair, able and uncorrupted administrative mechanism.

3.5. End the existing centralised and unitary state system and restructure it into an inclusive, democratic progressive system to address various problems including that of women, Dalits, indigenous community, Madhesis, oppressed, ignored and minority communities, backward regions by ending prevailing class, ethnic, linguistic, gender, cultural, religious and regional discrimination.

3.6. End all forms of feudalism and prepare and implement a minimum common programme of socio-economic transformation on mutual understanding.

3.7. End feudal land ownership and formulate the policies for scientific land reforms.

3.8. Adopt policies for protection and promotion of national industries and resources.

3.9. Adopt policies for establishment of civil rights in education, health, shelter, employment and food security.

3.10. Adopt policies to provide land and socio-economic security to backward groups like landless, bonded labourers, tillers, Haruwa-charuwa and other such groups, which are socio-economically backward.

3.11. Adopt policies to take strict actions against the people who have worked in government positions and have amassed huge amount of properties through corruption.

3.12. Prepare a common development concept that will help in socio-economic transformation of the country and will also assist in ensuring the country’s economic prosperity in a short period of time.

3.13. Follow policies ascertaining the professional rights of workers and increase investment on sectors like promoting industries, trade and export and increase employment and income generating opportunities.

4. Management of armies and arms

To hold the election of constituent assembly in free, fair and peaceful environment and democratisation and restructuring of the army, the following works shall be done as per the 12-point and 8-point agreements, and 25-point code of conduct, 5-point letter sent to the United Nations and decisions taken during the meeting of the top leaders on November 8:

Relating to Maoist army –

4.1. As per the commitments expressed in the joint letter sent to the United Nations by the Nepal government and the Maoists on August 9, the combatants of the Maoists would remain in the following temporary camps. United Nations would do their verification and monitoring.

1. Kailali, 2. Surkhet, 3. Rolpa, 4. Nawalparasi, 5. Chitwan, 6. Sindhuli 7. Ilam. There would be three smaller camps located in the periphery of each of these main camps

4.2. All the arms and ammunitions would be securely stored in the camps except those needed for providing security of the camp after the Maoist combatants are sent to the cantonments. They will be put under a single lock system and the concerned side would keep the key of this lock. For the UN to monitor it, a device with siren as well as recording facility will be installed. When there is need to examine the stored arms, the UN would do so in the presence of the concerned side. Prepare the details of technology including camera for monitoring as per the agreement among the Nepal government, the Maoists and the United Nations.

4.3. On completion of cantonment of the Maoist combatants, Nepal government would take up the responsibility for providing ration and other facilities to them.

4.4. The interim cabinet shall form a special committee to carry out monitoring, integration and rehabilitation of the Maoist combatants.

4.5. Make arrangement for the security of the Maoist leaders as per the agreement with the Nepal government.

Relating to the Nepali Army

4.6. The Nepali Army would be confined to the barracks as per the commitments expressed in the letter sent to the United Nations. Guarantee that its arms would not be used for or against any side. Keep similar quantity of arms of the Nepali Army in the store, seal it with single-lock system and give the key to the concerned side. For the UN to monitor it, a device with siren as well as recording facility will be installed. When there is need to examine the stored arms, the UN would do so in the presence of the concerned side. Prepare the details of technological arrangement including camera for monitoring as per the agreement among the Nepal government, the Maoists and the United Nations.

4.7. The cabinet would control, mobilise and manage the Nepali Army as per the new Military Act. The interim cabinet would prepare and implement the detailed action plan of democratisation of the Nepali Army by taking suggestions from the concerned committee of the interim parliament. This includes works like determination of the right number of the Nepali Army, prepare the democratic structure reflecting the national and inclusive character, and train them on democratic principles and human rights values

4.8. Continue the works of the Nepali Army such as border security, security of the conservation areas, protected areas, banks, airport, power house, telephone tower, central secretariat and security of VIPs.

5. Ceasefire

5.1. End of armed rebellion and mobilisation of armed forces:-

5.1.1. Both parties commit not to carry out the following activities:-

a. Acts of attacking or using arms directly or indirectly against each other

b. Seizing or raiding places where the arms of other side has been stored as per the mutual understanding, with or without arms

c. Acts that would cause mental pressure or loss to any individual person

d. Acts to place ambush targeting each other

e. Actions involving killing or violence

f. Acts of abduction, arrest, imprisonment, disappearance

g. Destruction of public, private, governmental or military properties

h. Aerial attacks or bombarding

i. Mining or sabotaging

j. Acts of spying each other’s military activities

5.1.2. Both parties shall not carry on further recruitments, shall not transport the arms and ammunition or pose difficulties militarily against each other.

But the interim cabinet shall mobilise the security forces for search and patrol to stop the acts like illegal transportation of arms, explosives or their parts or raw material in borders or customs points.

5.1.3. No individuals or groups shall travel with arms, ammunition or explosives

5.1.4. Both parties shall inform each other about the demarcation and storage of ambush or mines planted during the war period within 30 days and help each other to diffuse or dispose them off within 60 days.

5.1.5. Armies of both parties shall not appear with arms or combat dresses in any civil meeting, political gathering or public programmes.

5.1.6. Nepal Police and Armed Police force shall continue to work for maintaining peace and investigation into the criminal activities as per the spirit and content of the peace agreement and prevailing laws.

5.1.7. Both parties shall instruct their armed forces directing them to stop telling or behaving with the other side’s armed personnel as ‘enemy’.

5.1.8. Both parties agree to prepare the details of the governmental, public, private building, land or other properties captured, locked or restricted from being used during the period of armed conflict and return these things immediately

5.2. Ways of normalising the situation:

5.2.1. There won’t be cash or kind collection or tax collection against anyone’s will or existing laws.

5.2.2. Both parties agree to publicise and release all the person kept under detention within 15 days.

5.2.3. Prepare the details of the disappeared persons or those killed in the conflict with their real name, surname and residential address and publicise it within 60 days from the day of signing this agreement and inform the family members of concerned persons.

5.2.4. Both parties agree to form a national peace and rehabilitation commission to initiate process of rehabilitation and providing relief support to the persons victimised by the conflict and normalise the difficult situation created due to the armed conflict.

5.2.5. Both parties agree to form a high level Truth and Reconciliation Commission on mutual understanding to conduct investigation about those who were involved in gross violation of human rights at the time of the conflict and those who committed crime against humanity and to create the situation of reconciliation in the society.

5.2.6. Both parties vow to renounce all forms of war, attacks, counter-attacks, violence and counter violence existing in the country and commit to guarantee the democracy, peace and progressive changes in the Nepali society. It has been agreed that both parties shall help each other for maintaining peaceful situation.

5.2.7. Both parties guarantee to withdraw accusations, claims, complaints and under-consideration cases levelled against various individuals due to political reasons and immediately publicise the status of those imprisoned and immediately release them.

5.2.8. Both parties express the commitment to allow without any political prejudice the people displaced due to the armed conflict to return back voluntarily to their respective ancestral or former residence, reconstruct the infrastructure destroyed during the conflict and rehabilitate and socialise the displaced people into the society.

5.2.9. Both parties agree to take individual and collective responsibility of resolving, with the support of all the political parties, civil society and local institutions, any problems arising in the aforementioned context on the basis of mutual consensus and creating an atmosphere conducive for normalisation of mutual relations and for reconciliation.

5.2.10. Both parties express the commitment not to discriminate against or exert any kind of pressure on any member of the family of either side on the basis of them being related to one or the other side.

5.2.11. Both parties agree not to create any kind of obstacle and allow any kind of obstruction to be created in the independent travelling, assuming of duties and executing of work by the Government of Nepal and public bodies' employees and assist them in their work.

5.2.12. Both parties agree to allow unrestricted travelling as per the law within the state of Nepal to the personnel of the United Nations, international donors agencies and diplomatic missions working in Nepal, national and international non-government organisations, press, human rights activists, election observers and foreign visitors.

5.2.13. Both parties commit to operate publicity campaigns in a decent and respectable manner.

6. The end of war

6.1 On the basis of the historic agreement between the seven political parties and the Maoists on November 8th, giving permanency to the ongoing ceasefire between the government and the Maoists, we declare the end of the war that has been going on since 1996.

6.2 The decisions made by the meeting of the senior leaders of the seven political parties and the Maoists on November 8 will be the principal basis for the establishment of permanent peace.

6.3 After the Nepali Army is placed in the barracks and the Maoists’ combatants are is contained in the cantonments, possession of arms, display of arms, creating terror, use of weapons or such acts against the agreement or law will be punishable by the law.

6.4 The army on both sides shall not be allowed to campaign in favour of any group or shall not be allowed to express their support towards any of the sides but they shall not be deprived from their rights to vote.

7. Human rights, fundamental rights and following humanitarian laws

Both parties express their commitment towards universal declaration of human rights 1948 and international humanitarian law and basic principle and values of human rights.

7.1 Human Rights

7.1.1 Both parties reaffirm their commitment to respect and protect human rights and international humanitarian law and accept that no individual shall be discriminated on the basis of caste, gender, language, religion, age, ethnic groups, national or social origin, property, disability, birth or any other status, thoughts or conscience.

7.1.2 Both parties have agreed to create an environment where the Nepali people can utilize their civic, political, economical, social and cultural rights and are committed to create an environment in which these rights will not be violated in the future under any circumstances.

7.1.3 Both parties express their commitment and state that necessary investigation will be undertaken against any individual involved in violating the rights mentioned in the agreement and action will be taken against ones that are found guilty. Both parties also ascertain that they will not protect impunity and along with it, the rights of the people affected by the conflict and torture and the families of the people who have been disappeared will be safeguarded.

7.1.4 Both parties shall not be involved in activities like torturing civilians, abducting, forcing them to work and shall take necessary action to discourage such activities.

7.1.5 On the basis of secularism, both the sides shall respect social, cultural and religious sensitivity, and shall respect the religious conscience of a religious place or an individual.

7.2 Right to live

7.2.1 Both parties shall respect and protect the right of an individual to live. No one shall be deprived of this basic right and no law including capital punishment shall be formulated.

7.3 Individual prestige, freedom and freedom of movement

7.3.1 Both parties shall respect the right of individual prestige and freedom. In this context, even the people who have been legally deprived from enjoying their freedom shall also not be subjected to torture or punished with inhumane behaviour or disrespectful behaviour. The right of privacy of an individual shall be protected legally.

7.3.2 Both parties, respecting the individual’s freedom and right to security shall not place anyone under whimsical or illegal detention and shall not abduct or imprison any individual. Both parties shall release the details of the condition of the people who have been disappeared or have been kept captives and an agreement has also been reached to inform about their status to their family members, legal consultant or any other authorised person.

7.3.3 Both parties shall respect and protect the individual’s freedom to move freely and right to choose a place to reside within the legal periphery and also expresses commitment to respect the right of the people who have been displaced to return home or to live in any other place they choose.

7.4 Civil and political rights

7.4.1 Both parties express their commitment to respect and protect an individual’s freedom of opinion and expression, freedom to form unions and associations, freedom to assemble peacefully and shall work against exploitation.

7.4.2 Both parties shall respect the right of every individual to participate in public matters directly or through representatives, right to vote and be elected and the right of equality to enter public service.

7.4.3 Both parties are committed to respect the right of the people to be informed.

7.5 Socio-economic rights

7.5.1 Both parties are committed to respect and protect an individual’s freedom to practice any profession.

7.5.2 Both parties are committed to respect and guarantee the people’s right to food security. It also ascertains that the issues like food, food production, utilisation of food, its transportation and distribution shall not be interfered with.

7.5.3 Both parties accept the need to respect and protect the health rights of the people. Both parties shall not disrupt the supply of medicines, assistance and health campaigns and also express its commitment towards treatment of the people who have been injured due to the conflict and shall also initiate rehabilitation process.

7.5.4 Both parties accept the need to respect and guarantee the right of education to all and express commitment to maintain adequate educational environment in educational institution. Both parties have agreed to ascertain that the right to education is not violated. An agreement has been reached whereby, incidents like capturing educational institution, using these institutions, abducting, detaining or disappearing teachers and students shall be stopped immediately and military barracks shall not be constructed near schools and hospitals.

7.5.5 Both parties have agreed not to illegally seize or capture anyone’s private property.

7.5.6 Both parties believe in not disrupting the industrial environment of the country and to continue production, protect the right of group bargaining in industrial institution and respecting social security intends to encourage resolving the disputes between the labour and the industrial institution peacefully and respects the right to work determined by the International Labour Organisation (ILO).

7.6 Rights of women and children

7.6.1 Both parties completely agree on the need to specially protect the rights of women and children and the need to stop all forms of sexual exploitation and other forms of misbehaviour on women and child labour and other violent act against children and not to include children below the age of 18 in any form of military force. The children who have already been affected shall be rescued immediately and adequate provisions shall be made for their rehabilitation.

7.7. Right of Individual Liberty

7.7.1. Both parties agree to the freedom of opinion and expression; freedom to assemble peaceably and without arms; freedom of movement; freedom to practice any profession, or to carry on any occupation, industry or trade; press and publication rights; the freedom to take part in peaceful political activities; the right of equality before the law; and to implement and have a tolerable system of justice implemented.

8. Dispute Settlement and Implementation Mechanism

8.1. Both parties agree to become responsible and accountable in an individual and collective manner and not repeat in future mistakes committed in the past and also correct these mistakes on a gradual basis.

8.2. The National Peace and Rehabilitation Commission shall be set up as per the need for making the campaign for peace successful. The composition and working procedures of the Commission shall be as determined by the interim Council of Ministers.

8.3. Both parties are committed to settle all kinds of present or possible future mutual differences or problems through mutual talks, understanding, consensus and dialogue.

8.4. Both parties express commitment that the interim Council of Ministers shall constitute and determine the working procedures of the National Peace and Rehabilitation Commission, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the High-level State Restructuring Recommendation Commission and other mechanisms as per the need to implement this agreement, the Interim Constitution and all the decisions, agreements and understandings reached between the Seven-party Alliance, the Government of Nepal and the CPN (Maoist).

9. Implementation and Follow-up

Both parties have agreed to make the following arrangements for the implementation of the understandings mentioned in this agreement and for their follow-up –

9.1. Both parties agree to give continuity to the task of monitoring of the human rights provisions mentioned in this agreement by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Nepal.

9.2. Both parties agree for the monitoring of the management of arms and the armies by the United Nations Mission in Nepal as mentioned in the five-point letter send to the UN earlier and in the present agreement.

9.3. Both parties agree to get the United Nations supervise the election to the Constituent Assembly.

9.4. The National Human Rights Commission shall also carry out works related to the monitoring of human rights as mentioned in this agreement together with the responsibility assigned to it as per the laws. In connection with carrying out its works, the Commission can take the help of national and international human rights organisations after maintaining necessary coordination with them.

9.5. Both parties agree to accept the reports submitted by the above-mentioned bodies, to provide the information requested by them, and to implement the suggestions and recommendations given by them on the basis of consensus and dialogue.

10. Miscellaneous

10.1. Both parties agree not to operate parallel or any form of structure in any areas of the state or government structure as per the letter of the decisions of November 8 and the spirit of the peace agreement.

10.2. Both parties accept to sign any complementary agreements, as necessitated, for the implementation of the present agreement.

10.3. This agreement can be revised any time with the consent of both parties. Both parties agree to provide to each other prior written information if they wish to make any change. The amendments could be made to the agreement with the consent of both parties after receiving the information. The provisions to be made by such an amendment would not be below the minimum standards of the accepted international human rights and humanitarian laws.

10.4. If any disputes arise in any interpretation of this agreement, a joint mechanism comprising both parties shall make the interpretation on the basis of the preamble and the documents included in the schedule of this agreement, and this interpretation would be final.

10.5. The concept of 'two parties' as mentioned in this agreement would automatically cease to exist after the constitution of the Interim Legislature -Parliament. Thereafter, all the responsibility of implementing the obligations stated in this agreement shall be as per the arrangements made by the Interim Council of Ministers. It would be the duty and responsibility of all the political parties to extend cooperation in the compliance and implementation of the agreement.

10.6. We heartily appeal to one and all to extend cooperation for resolving their problems and demands through talks and dialogue and for holding the election to the constituent assembly and maintaining the law and order, at a time when the entire country is focused on the main campaign of the election of the Constituent Assembly.

10.7. We heartily appeal to the civil society, the professional groups, the class organisations, the media, the intellectual community and all the Nepali people to actively participate in this historic campaign of building a new Nepal and establishing lasting peace through the election of the Constituent Assembly by ending the armed conflict.

10.8. We heartily urge all the friendly countries and the United Nations, as well as the International Community to extend support to Nepal in this campaign of establishing full democracy and lasting peace.

Cognizant of the responsibility of the future of the country and the people, and becoming fully committed to this comprehensive peace agreement, we, on behalf of the Government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), hereby make public this comprehensive peace agreement after signing it.

Signed on November 21, 2006