Mar 30, 2011

Revisiting Civil Society

By Dev Raj Dahal

Civil society has to take up the policy agenda of progress, climate change and post-conflict peace-building as they affect the citizens most and are important for building a viable future for Nepal.

'Without civil society, democracy remains an empty shell; without civil society, the market becomes a jungle.' - Michael Ignatieff

The progressive life of general society is rooted in sabhya samaj (civil society) or the Homo cogitans (home of knowledge). It provides democratic impulse within societies to survive, and abide by the laws of their own existence. The spirit of civil society has, therefore, inflamed the spark of enlightenment values of freedom, equality, solidarity, ecological justice, and peace within citizens. These values stoke the free will of jagrat manushya (awakened human beings). As an agent of social change, the dharma of civil society is to de-traditionalise the general society and work for its continuous reforms and renewal. This helps to mediate the system and the life-world and removes the evils that divide them. The terrain of civil society is different from the general society as it espouses political character, rationalised and cosmopolitan. It seeks to eliminate all forms of privileges from public life and public policy and opens up possibilities for citizens to become cultured and creative human beings liberated from noble savage (an idealised concept of uncivilised person).

People are not only place-bound individuals but also citizens and human beings entitled with constitutional and human rights. Their orientation to gyan marg (knowledge), karma marg (work), and bhakti marga (devotion and feeling) other than self-interest defines their virtue and higher will. Constant engagement of civil society in educating people about knowledge, life-skills, and resources helps them realise those rights and perform public duties. In Nepal, where the tradition of civility is ancient and embodies in the diversity of national life, modern civil society has to shore up the heritage of multiple nirwan (enlightenment) derived from Janak, Vedas and Gautam Buddha and internalise the utility of the rationalist and scientific tradition of modernity inspired by Immanuel Kant, who brought philosophy to serve human beings. The project of emancipation formulated in terms of a future egalitarian society in response to the critique of current conditions of Nepal requires civil society's creative roles in building this post-conflict nation. The society's claim of state sovereignty and citizens' awareness about global enlightenment help contextualise policies and generate a common ground for the resolution of identity, ideological and interest-based conflicts. Civil society in such a context needs to cultivate the following strategies:

First, a way forward for social transformation requires Nepali civil society to free itself from the nation's cycle of decadal political change. George Santayana has rightly said, "Those who ignore history are condemned to repeat it? Historical and cultural ignorance leads one to the blindness of contextual knowledge. This means firstly, civil society as an embodiment of reason and capable of achieving self-consciousness, must instill historical awareness of the need to respond to the changing aspirations of Nepali citizens, not just the interests of the present generation but also to inter-generational justice. Secondly, civil society should broaden the binary code of politics steered by friend and foe and aim for a new social contract, a workable constitution owned by all citizens. The binary code of politics based on single unit determinism such as class, ethnic, gender, territorial, and ideological division is destabilizing as it does not establish democracy's optimal values of the inclusion of the Other, but maximises one at the cost of other.

The transformation of working people into multi-classes - white, blue, and green collar workers, professionals, and self-employed citizens and unfolding of multiple identities offers the possibility to transcend the binary political mode. But emancipation of workers requires the production of the necessities of life. This helps to overcome alienation, necessity and dependence. Third, the historical crisis in Nepal's reformist politics reflects the weakness of civil society to uphold the golden mean of politics defined by Gautam Buddha -- and the capacity of mediating agencies of society to open up reforms in each generation of citizens and the rational articulation of political life. Buddha rightly advocated the liberation of human beings through knowledge, not through faith only. Fourth, the organic formation of civil society in Nepal is essential to free itself from barrowed existence and open a debate in the public sphere about the democratisation of state power, economy, and international system and exhort the leaders to execute the people's mandate for a new constitution, remove gaps in governance between security and development and promote citizens' welfare to consolidate democratic gains. The democratic outcome presumes a qualitative transformation in the patterns of orientation, attitudes, values, and beliefs of citizens to inspire the hope and enthusiasm of the poor in the polity. A positive outcome of civil society's works can constructively contribute to the creation of a civic culture. Overall transformation of the political culture of the day, however, will demand habit-breaking, innovative and visionary policies rooted in the changing spirit of the yug dharma, the zeitgeist.

Second, national leadership in the various spheres of decision-making such as political leaders, citizens? representatives, planners, and policy-makers, need to open up their mind to social learning of the changing nature of citizens' rights in order to seek to institutionalise those rights, inspire civic participation, initiate socio-economic reforms and institutional transformation. Institutional transformation does not come from the system; it comes from alternative leadership and vision provided by genuine civil society and grassroots organisations. The social pressure for institutional opening is broadening the social base of political parties. Good signs are now visible on the nation's horizon as the social movements of Nepali citizens across the party lines are fostering inner-party democracy and representation of their interest in various layers of party committees and their articulation in constitution, laws, and policies. A rational collective action of civil society can restructure the nature of work and offer a favorable environment for citizens' demand for better working conditions, dignity, and standards of living. This will support the vital energy needed for broadening the public space and energy for state-building from below, constitutional stability, national security, rule of law, and supply of public goods. A genuine democratic transformation of the Nepal's parties, however, will also require arresting the social diversions underway and synergising all the centripetal forces and resources for a rational reconstruction of the future order.

Third, Nepali society has undergone a shift from Gemeinschaft (community governed by religion, custom and folk life) to Gesellschaft (society governed by rights, laws and contracts), hierarchical status to citizen equality and natural will to rational will driven by the forces of modernity. Federations of many civil society groups are struggling to moderate the hierarchal systems of production, appropriation, and control. The economy of tomorrow will be horizontal as it will remove the boundary between the worker and boss by a culture of partnership. But the key propellers of modernity, such as education, economy, technology, institutions, and leadership process are not yet sufficiently rationalised in Nepal to achieve a breakthrough. The civil society, in that context, has to play a pro-active role in familiarising itself with the vision of tomorrow's economy and the imperative of citizens to cope with it. A certain set of incentives for free collective bargaining and codetermination of public interest are preconditions needed for the equal development of multi-classes of Nepali society and solidarity of citizens of both formal and informal sectors. Social stability, moreover, requires bridging the gap between the knowledge class and the working class citizens for a shared future. Civil society in such a context can serve as a bridge between the two if it is capable of removing its own self-contradictions and enforce democratic accountability.

Fourth, confronting a cascading series of problems requires that all the systemic causes be known in their entire context for resolution. Civil society has to take up the policy agenda of progress, climate change and post-conflict peace-building as they affect the citizens most and are important for building a viable future for Nepal. The solidarity of civil society with the general society at large can bring essential inputs for policy reforms. Similarly, the promotion of a strong public sphere for opinion and will formation can rectify subversion of the general will by the private interests of power, money, and media and radiate the trust across empirical divides of the nation. It helps to bridge the gap between citizens in the informal and the formal sectors of the political economy by networking, widening, and deepening the possibility for inclusion, representation, modernisation, and collective action.

Fifth, and finally, social transformation driven by the country's competitive position in the world economy cannot be strengthened without increasing the quality and productivity of economy, education and technological application to address the unmet demands of citizens arising out of new social stratification, new social formation, gender equality and new challenges and overcome the turmoil of modernity. In the changed context, civil society must strengthen its capacity for modernisation and contribute to the modernisation of Nepal's democracy, economy and polity.

(Dahal is head of the Nepal office of Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES). He can be reached at: devraj.dahal@fesnepal.org)

(Courtesy: Nepalnews.com)

Political Deadlock: Reviewing the past is the only way out

By Deepak Gajurel

Current political deadlock is deepening and there is no light at the end of the tunnel. Reviewing the past deeds is the only way out. Nepal's domestic political forces, along with international community must immediately start review what they have done since last five years. They must identify their past mistakes and correct them. This is the one and only solution to the present political crisis Nepal is engulfed into.

An analysis on the current political imbroglio in Nepal.

The analysis was done in a Radio Talk Show which was broadcast live by Hamro FM, 94 Mhz, Chitwan on March 29, 2011 (Chaitra 15, 2067).

Please click on the following link to listen or download the analysis in MP3 format.



Mar 22, 2011

Sino-Indian Proxy War in Nepal


By Deepak Gajurel

Radio Talk-show: An analysis of current Nepali domestic politics; Sino-Indian proxy war.

Please click on the following link to listen or download the MP3 file (7.2 MB file size; 25.05 Minute length).

http://www.box.net/shared/9k1t0kjf3g

Comments are welcome.

deepakgajurel@gmail.com

Mar 19, 2011

Carter for Nepal’s crisis

Yubaraj Ghimire
 
Former US President Jimmy Carter is visible once again on Nepal’s uncertain political scene. Last week, he called three major actors — Prime Minister Jhalanath Khanal, Maoist chief Prachanda and Nepali Congress president Sushil Koirala — asking them to do everything to have the new constitution delivered and the peace mission accomplished. The two left allies, Khanal and Prachanda, said they are doing everything in that direction, but Koirala blamed the duo of trying to impose their agenda on the rest and putting the peace process in jeopardy.

Carter is intimately linked with Nepal’s peace process and he knows the constituent assembly’s failure to deliver the constitution will discredit him as well. In April 2008, Carter, as head of the international observers’ team, had issued a certificate that the election was free and fair. Carter’s frequent visits to Nepal were apparently not endorsed by the US government; but the Carter Centre that he heads and his image were an asset to the international donors involved in a big way in post-conflict Nepal’s development and peace process.

But as Carter appears on the scene after a long gap — at a time when the radical left alliance has assumed power — and promises his support for the timely delivery of the constitution, the election commission has come out with startling facts that may raise questions about the fairness of the election that Carter had certified in haste. The election commission, which is revising the electoral list, has now come to the conclusion that the full size of the electorate then — 17.6 million — was faulty, and the figure three years down the line would be slightly above 13 million. Apparently, those who had died or migrated continued to figure in the list and votes were cast in their names.

The election commission, packed with representatives from major political parties, and the donors’ community were unanimous in their assessment that the election was part of the peace process, and that any type of election should take place in order to institutionalise the peace process and changes of the 2006 people’s movement. Now the same logic is being advanced by the same group, albeit with much eroded moral authority, that any type of the constitution should be delivered within the stipulate time frame as it alone would be institutionalising the changes.

Carter’s appeal is not cutting much ice this time and the fairness of the election nearly three years ago has come into question now. And there is growing opposition to the move to have “any type” of constitution delivered by May 28.

Maoist leader and Deputy PM K.B. Mahara said recently that the delivery of even an incomplete constitution would be a way out to address people’s demand. But there are no takers and there are still many crucial issues to be thrashed out among political parties. The Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists

(UCPN-M), the largest party in the House and the dominant partner in government, is still busy mobilising its militant cadres, nor have its 19,000 combatants been disarmed.

Nepal’s Chief Justice Ram Prasad Shrestha came out openly against the decision of the sub-committee of the constituent assembly to have a “constitutional court headed by the CJ to make final interpretation of the constitution as something that would go against democracy”. The UCPN-M had agreed to this provision reluctantly, giving up their earlier demand that the judiciary must be accountable to the legislature and that the final right to interpret the constitution should rest with the legislature.

While these complexities continue to stall the smooth journey towards the constitution-making process that has increased the distance between the pro-democracy and radical left forces, the status of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) remains uncertain. Nepali Congress chief Koirala said the recent accord between Khanal and Prachanda, in favour of setting up a separate outfit of the Maoist combatants to be treated at par with the state security forces, was a dangerous move to let a political party retain its army at the cost of the state.

“The two must scrap the accord and be guided by the CPA” as a condition for the Congress’s cooperation with them in the peace and constitution-making process, Koirala said. The scrapping of that accord would take away the very basis of the Maoist support to Khanal. That means Khanal has to decide between the completion of the peace process and statute delivery on one hand and retaining power at the cost of the former on the other. Carter perhaps understands this predicament of the Nepali actors — and hoping for too much from the radical left, keeping at bay the democratic forces, is not going to work any longer. Appeasement of the militant left seems to have lost its magic in Nepal now as the politics is getting sharply polarised once again.
(Courtesy: Indian Express)

Mar 4, 2011

Political Process in Nepal: Review the Past

By Deepak Gajurel

There is an urgent need of review by all stakeholders, including political parties, civil societies/professionals/media and external forces, on what they did in the past.

The solutions of the current political problem in Nepal lie in the honest review, identifying the past errors and correction thereof.

I have analyzed the current political process in Nepal, in a Radio Talk Show, broadcast live by Maitri FM 99.4 Mhz, Kathmandu, on March 04, 2011 (Fagun 20, 2067).

The talk show audio file can be listened/downloaded by clicking on the following link (25:31 Minutes; 8.8 MB file size, in MP3 format)



Mar 3, 2011

рдоुрд▓ुрдХ рдЪрд▓ाрдЙрди рдЕрд╕рдлрд▓ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ु


рджीрдкрдХ рдЧрдЬुрд░ेрд▓
рд╕ाрдвे рд╕ाрдд рдорд╣िрдиाрдХो рдШрдоाрд╕ाрди рддिрдХрдбрдордмाрдЬी рдкрдЫि рдк्рд░рдзाрдирдорди्рдд्рд░ी рдЫाрди्рдиे рд╣ाрдо्рд░ा рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ु рд╕рд░рдХाрд░рд▓ाрдИ рдкूрд░्рдгрддा рджिрди рдЭрдг्рдбै рдПрдХ рдорд╣िрдиाрджेрдЦि рдЕрд░्рдХो рд░рдбाрдХो рдЧрд░्рджैрдЫрди् । рд░ рдЖрдо рдиेрдкाрд▓ी рдиाрдЧрд░िрдХрд╣рд░ुрд▓ाрдИ 'рд╣ाрдоीрд▓े рд╕рд╣рдорддिрдХो рдк्рд░рдпाрд╢ рдЬाрд░ी рд░ाрдЦेрдХा рдЫौँ' рднрдиेрд░ рдвाँрдЯ्рджैрдЫрди् । реирежремреи–ремрей рдХो рдкрд░िрд╡рд░्рддрди рдкрдЫिрдХा рдЭрдг्рдбै рдкाँрдЪ рд╡рд░्рд╖рдХो рдпो рдЕрд╡рдзिрдоा рдЧрд░्рдиुрдкрд░्рдиे рдорд╣рдд्рд╡рдкूрд░्рдг рдХाрдорд╣рд░ु рдЧрд░िрдПрдХा рдЫैрдирди् । рд╕рд╣рдХाрд░्рдп рдЧрд░ेрд░ рдирдпाँ рдиेрдкाрд▓ рдиिрд░्рдоाрдг рдЧрд░्рдиे рджाрд╡ी рдЧрд░ेрд░ рджेрд╢рдХो рдиेрддृрдд्рд╡ рд▓िрдПрдХा рд╕ंрд╕рджрд╡ाрджी рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ु рд░ рдоाрдУрд╡ाрджीрд▓े рд╕рд╣рдорддि рдд्рдпाрдЧ्рджै рдЧрдПрдХा рдЫрди्

рдмрди्рджूрдХрдХो рдмрд▓рдоा 'рд╕рдд्рддा рдХрдм्рдЬा' рдЧрд░्рдиे рд╕िрдж्рдзाрди्рдд рдмोрдХ्рдиे рдоाрдУрд╡ाрджी рд░ рдорддрдкрдд्рд░рдоा рдмिрд╢्рд╡ाрд╕ рдЧрд░्рдиे рд╕ंрд╕рджрд╡ाрджी рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ु рдлेрд░ि рдЖ–рдЖрдл्рдиै рдЪрд░िрдд्рд░ рдЕрдиुрд╕ाрд░рдХो рд╡्рдпрд╡рд╣ाрд░ рддिрд░ рд▓ाрдЧेрдХा рдЫрди् । рдЬрдирддाрдХो рд╕ाрд░्рд╡рднौрдорд╕рдд्рддा рд╕рдо्рдкрди्рди рд╢ाрд╕рди рд╕्рдеाрдкрдиा рдЧрд░ी рд╕рдоुрди्рдирдд рдиेрдкाрд▓ рдмрдиाрдЙрдиे рдк्рд░рддिрд╡рдж्рдзрддा рдмिрд╕्рддाрд░ै рд╕рдкрдиाрдоा рдкрд░िрдгрдд рд╣ुँрджै рдЧрдПрдХोрдоा рдЖрдо рдиाрдЧрд░िрдХ рдЪिрди्рддिрдд рдЫрди् । рддрд░ рдЖрдлैँрд▓े рдЬрдирддाрдХा рд╕ाрдоू рдЧрд░ेрдХो рдмाрдЪाрд▓ाрдИ рддिрд▓ाрдЮ्рдЬрд▓ी рджिрдПрд░ рджрд▓ рддрдеा рд╢рдХ्рддिрд╣рд░ु рдоुрд▓ुрдХрд▓ाрдИ рдкुрди: рд╡िрдз्рд╡ंрд╢ рддрд░्рдл рдзрдХेрд▓्рджैрдЫрди् । рдпрд╕рдмेрд▓ा рдоुрд▓ुрдХрдоा рд╣ाрд▓िрдоुрд╣ाрд▓ी рдЧрд░िрд░ाрдЦेрдХा рдпी рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓ рддрдеा рд╢рдХ्рддिрд╣рд░ुрд▓े рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░рд▓ाрдИ рдпो рдЕрд╕्рддрд╡्рдпрд╕्рддрддा, рдЕрди्рдпौрд▓ рд░ рдЕрд░ाрдЬрдХрддाрд╡ाрдЯ рдоुрдХ्рдд рдЧрд░ाрдПрд░ рд╢ाрди्рддि рддрдеा рд╕्рдеिрд░рддा рджिрди рд╕рдХ्рд▓ाрди् рднрди्рдиे рдХुрд░ाрдоा рдЖрд╢ंрдХा рдмрдв्рджो рдЫ ।

рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрдХो рд╡िрдЧрдд् рд╕ुрдЦрдж् рдЫैрди
рдПрдЙрдЯा рдиिрд╢्рдЪिрдд рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рдк्рд░рдгाрд▓ी рд╕्рдеाрдкрдиा рдЧрд░ेрд░, рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рд╕्рдеिрд░рддा рдХाрдпрдо рдЧрд░्рдиे рддрдеा рдмрд╣ुрд╕ंрдЦ्рдпрдХ рдЬрдирддाрдХो рд╕рд░्рд╡ोрдд्рддрдо рд╣िрдд рдЧрд░्рдиे рд╕рди्рджрд░्рднрдоा рдиेрдкाрд▓рдХा рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрдХो рд╡िрдЧрдд् рд╕рдХाрд░ाрдд्рдордХ рдЫैрди । реирежрежрен рд╕ाрд▓рдоा рдПрдХрддрди्рдд्рд░ीрдп рд░ाрдгा рд╢ाрд╕рди рд╡िрд░ुрдж्рдз рднрдПрдХो рдкрд░िрд╡рд░्рддрди рдкрдЫिрдХा рд╡рд░्рд╖рд╣рд░ुрдоा рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрд▓े рдкрдЯрдХ–рдкрдЯрдХ рдоुрд▓ुрдХ рд╣ाँрдХ्рдиे рджाрдпिрдд्рд╡ рд▓िрдПрдХा/рдкाрдПрдХा рд╣ुрди् । рддрд░ рдПрдЙрдЯा рдиिрд╢्рдЪिрдд рд╢ाрд╕рди рдк्рд░рдгाрд▓ी рд╕्рдеाрдкрдиा рдЧрд░ेрд░ рджेрд╢рдоा рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рд╕्рдеिрд░рддा рдк्рд░рджाрди рдЧрд░्рди рджрд▓рд╣рд░ु рд╕рдлрд▓ рднрдПрдХो рджृрд╖्рдЯाрди्рдд рд╣ाрдоीрдХрд╣ाँ рдЫैрди ।

рдЬрдирддाрдХो рд╕ाрде рд░ рд╡िрд╢्рд╡ाрд╕ рдк्рд░ाрдк्рдд рдЧрд░ेрд░ резрежрек рд╡рд░्рд╖े рд░ाрдгा рд╢ाрд╕рди рдлाрд▓्рди рд╕рдлрд▓ рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓ рддрдеा рддिрдирдХा рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ुрд▓े рдд्рдпрд╕рдмेрд▓ा рдШोрд╖िрдд рд╕ंрдмिрдзाрди рд╕рднाрдХो рдЪुрдиाрд╡ рдЧрд░ाрдПрдирди्/рдЧрд░ाрдЙрди рд╕рдХेрдирди् । рд░ाрдгा рд╢ाрд╕рди рд╡िрд░ोрдзी рд╕рдлрд▓ рдЖрди्рджोрд▓рдирдХो рдиेрддृрдд्рд╡ рдЧрд░्рдиे рдк्рд░рднाрд╡рд╢ाрд▓ी рджрд▓ рдиेрдкाрд▓ी рдХाँрдЧ्рд░ेрд╕ рд╕рдд्рддा рдкाрдЙрдиाрд╕ाрде рдЖрди्рддрд░िрдХ рдХрд▓рд╣рдоा рдлрд╕्рдпो । рд╕рдд्рддा рдк्рд░ाрдк्рддिрдХो рд▓ुрдЫाрдЪुँрдбीрд▓े рдд्рдпो рджрд▓рд▓ाрдИ рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░ рддрдеा рдЬрдирддाрдХो рд╣िрддрдоा рд╕ोрдЪ्рдиे рд╕рдоेрдд рдлुрд░्рд╕рдж рднрдПрди । рдмाрдордкрди्рдеी рджрд▓рд╣рд░ु рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рд╕्рдеिрд░рддा рдкрд╣िрд▓्рдпाрдЙрдиुрдХो рд╕рдЯ्рдЯा рдПрдХрд▓े рдЕрд░्рдХाрдХो рдЦुрдЯ्рдЯा рддाрди्рдиे рдЦेрд▓рдоा рд▓ाрдЧे । рд╡िрд░ोрдз, рднीрдбрди्рдд рд░ рдЕрд╡िрд╢्рд╡ाрд╕ рдмрдвाрдЗрдпो । рд╡िрд░ोрдзрдХा рдХ्рд░рдордоा рдЬрдирддा рдоाрд░्рдиे рдЪрд▓рди рдд्рдпрд╕рдмेрд▓ाрдХो 'рд╢िрд╢ु рдк्рд░рдЬाрддрди्рдд्рд░' рдоा рдпिрдиै рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрд▓े рдЖрд░рдо्рдн рдЧрд░े, рдиेрдкाрд▓ी рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдоा ।

рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрдоा рд╢ाрд╕рдирдХो рдЕрдиुрднрд╡ рдЫैрди, рдд्рдпрд╕ैрд▓े рдпрд╕्рддो рднрдПрдХो рд╣ो, рдкрдЫि рд░ाрдо्рд░ो рднैрд╣ाрд▓्рдЫ рднрди्рдиे рд╕ाрдиो рдЖрд╢ाрдоा рдкрдиि рддुрд╖ाрд░ाрдкाрдд् рднрдпो, рдЬрд╡ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрдоा рд╡рд╖ौँ рд╡рд░्рд╖ рд╕рдо्рдо рдкрдиि рд╕ुрдзाрд░рдХो рд▓рдХ्рд╖рдг рджेрдЦिрдПрди । рд╕िрдпो рджेрдЦि рд╣рд╡ाрдЗ рдЬрд╣ाрдЬ рд╕рдо्рдо рд╕्рд╡рджेрд╢рдоै рдиिрд░्рдоाрдгрдХो рднाрд╖рдгा рдЧрд░्рдиे рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ुрд▓े рдЬрдирддाрд▓ाрдИ рд╡िрдХाрд╕ рджिрдПрдирди् । рд╕рдд्рддाрдХो рд▓ुрдЫाрдЪुँрдбीрдоा рд▓ाрдЧेрд░ реирежрежрен рд╕ाрд▓рдоा рдЬрдирддा рддрдеा рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░рд▓े рд╕ुрдо्рдкिрдПрдХो рдЬिрдо्рдоेрд╡ाрд░ीрд╡ाрдЯ рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рдХा рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ु рд╡िрдоूрдЦ рднрдП । рдЬрдирддाрдоा рдиिрд░ाрд╢ा рдмрдв्рджै рдЧрдпो । рдд्рдпрд╕рдмेрд▓ाрдХा рдЕрдЦрдмाрд░ рдоाрдд्рд░ рд╣ेрд░्рдиे рд╣ो рднрдиे рдкрдиि рдЕрд╣िрд▓ेрдХो рдкुрд╕्рддाрд▓े рд╣ाрдо्рд░ा рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓ рддрдеा рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ुрд▓े рдд्рдпрд╕рдмेрд▓ा рджेрдЦाрдПрдХो рдЪрд░्рддिрдХрд▓ा рд░ाрдо्рд░рд░ी рдеाрд╣ा рдкाрдЙрди рд╕рдХ्рдЫ ।

рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рд╕्рдеिрд░рддा рд░ рд╡िрдХाрд╕ рдирджिрдПрдХा рдоाрдд्рд░ рд╣ोрдЗрди, рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддि рджрд▓рдХा рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ुрд▓े рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░ рд╡िрд░ोрдзी рдХाрдо рд╕рдоेрдд рдЧрд░े, рд╡िрдЧрдд्рдоा । рдХोрд╢ी рд░ рдЧрдг्рдбрдХी рд╕рдо्рдЭौрддा рдпी рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ुрд▓े рдЧрд░ेрдХो рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░рдШाрддी рдХाрдорд╣рд░ुрдХो рдирдоूрдиाрдХो рд░ुрдкрдоा рдЖрдЬ рдкрдиि рд╣ाрдоीрд▓े рднोрдЧ्рдиु рдкрд░िрд░ाрдЦेрдХो рдЫ । рд╣рдЬाрд░ौँ рд╡рд░्рд╖ рджेрдЦि рд╕्рд╡ाрднिрдоाрдиी рднрдПрд░ рдмाँрдЪेрдХो рдиेрдкाрд▓ рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░рдХो рд╕्рд╡ाрднिрдоाрдирдоा рдЪोрдЯ рдкुрд░्рдпाрдЙрдиे рдХाрдо рдкрдиि рдд्рдпрд╕рдмेрд▓ा рджрд▓рдХा рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ुрд▓े рдЧрд░े ।

рдиेрдкाрд▓рдХो рдорди्рдд्рд░िрдкрд░िрд╖рджрдХा рдЕрдзिрдХांрд╢ рдорди्рдд्рд░ीрд╣рд░ु рднाрд░рддीрдп рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ुрдХो рд░ोрд╣рд╡рд░рдоा рджिрд▓्рд▓ीрдоा рдмैрдардХ рдмрд╕ेрд░ рдЕрдиेрдХौँ рдиिрд░्рдгрдп рдЧрд░ेрдХो рдЗрддिрд╣ाрд╕ рдЕрд▓िрдХрддा рдЕрдз्рдпрдпрди рдЧрд░्рдиे рдЬो рдХोрд╣ी рдиेрдкाрд▓ीрд▓ाрдИ рдеाрд╣ा рдЫ । рд╕ुрд╢ाрд╕рди, рд╕्рдеिрд░рддा, рд╡िрдХाрд╕ рд░ рд╕ुрдЦ–рд╢ाрди्рддि рдкाрдЙँрдЫु рднрди्рдиे рдЖрд╢ा рдЧрд░ेрдХा рдиेрдкाрд▓ी рдЬрдирддाрдоा рджрд▓рд╣рд░ु рдк्рд░рддि рд╡िрддृрд╖्рдгा рдмрдв्рджै рдЧрдпो । рдкрд░िрдгाрдорд╕्рд╡рд░ुрдк рд░ाрдЬाрд▓े реирежрезрен рд╕ाрд▓рдоा рд╢ाрд╕рди рд╕рдд्рддा рдЖрдл्рдиो рд╣ाрддрдоा рд▓िрдП । рджрд▓рд╡िрд╣ीрди рдкрдЮ्рдЪाрдпрддी рд╢ाрд╕рди рдк्рд░рдгाрд▓ी рджेрд╢рдоा рдЖрд░рдо्рдн рдЧрд░िрдпो, рдЬुрди рдЭрдг्рдбै рддीрди рджрд╢рдХ рдоुрд▓ुрдХрдоा рдЪрд▓्рдпो ।

реирежрежрен рдХो рдХ्рд░ाрди्рддिрдоा рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрд▓ाрдИ рд╕ाрде рджिрдПрдХा рдЬрдирддा, рджрд▓рд╣рд░ु рдк्рд░рддि рд╡िрд╢्рд╡рд╕्рдд рд╣ुрди्рдеे рднрдиे, рджрд▓ рд░ рддिрдирдХा рдиेрддा рдЬрдирддाрдоा рд▓ोрдХрдк्рд░िрдп рд░рд╣ेрдХा рднрдП, рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрд▓े рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░ рддрдеा рдЬрдирддाрдХा рд╣िрддрдоा рдеोрд░ै рдоाрдд्рд░ рдкрдиि рдХेрд╣ी рдЧрд░ेрдХा рднрдП, рдд्рдпрд╕рдмेрд▓ा рд░ाрдЬा рдорд╣ेрди्рдж्рд░рд▓े рд╢ाрд╕рди рд╕рдд्рддा рдЖрдл्рдиो рд╣ाрддрдоा рд▓िрдиे рдЖँрдЯ рдЧрд░्рдиे рдеिрдПрдирди् । рдпрджि рдд्рдпрд╕्рддो рдЖँрдЯ рдЧрд░िрд╣ाрд▓ेрдХा рднрдП рдкрдиि рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрд▓े рдЬрдирддाрдХो рдк्рд░рддिрдиिрдзिрдХा рд░ुрдкрдоा рд╢ाрд╕рди рдЧрд░्рдиे рдмрд╣ुрджрд▓ीрдп рдк्рд░рддिрд╖्рдкрд░्рдзाрдд्рдордХ рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рдк्рд░рдгाрд▓ी рдк्рд░рддि рд╡िрд╢्рд╡рд╕्рдд рддрдеा рдЖрд╕्рдеाрд╡ाрди рдЬрдирддाрд▓े рддुрд░ुрди्рддै рд░ाрдЬाрд╡ाрдЯ рд╕рдд्рддा рдЦोрд╕्рдиे рдеिрдП । рджрд╢ рд╡рд░्рд╖ рдЕрдШि рдЬ्рдпाрди рд╣рдд्рдХेрд▓ाрдоा рд░ाрдЦेрд░ рджрд▓рдХा рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ुрдХो рдиेрддृрдд्рд╡рдоा рд░ाрдгा рд╢ाрд╕рди рд╡िрд░ुрдж्рдз рд╕рдлрд▓ рд▓рдбाрдЗँ рд▓рдбेрдХा рдиेрдкाрд▓ी рдЬрдирддाрдХा рдЕрдЧाрдбि рд░ाрдЬा рдЯिрдХ्рди рд╕рдХ्рдиे рдеिрдПрдирди् । рддрд░ рдд्рдпрд╕ो рднрдПрди । рдпрд╕рдХो рдХाрд░рдг, рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓ рд░ рддिрдирдХा рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ु рдк्рд░рддि рдЬрдирддाрдХो рдЕрд╡िрд╢्рд╡ाрд╕ рдеिрдпो, рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрдХो рдЕрд╕рдлрд▓рддा рдеिрдпो, рдоुрд▓ुрдХ рд╣ाँрдХ्рди рдирд╕рдХ्рдиे рдк्рд░рдоाрдг рдеिрдпो ।

рддीрди рджрд╢рдХ рдкрдЫि ...
рдЭрдг्рдбै рддीрди рджрд╢рдХрдХो рджрд▓рд╡िрд╣ीрди рдкрдЮ्рдЪाрдпрддी рд╡्рдпрд╡рд╕्рдеा рд╡िрд░ुрдж्рдз рдиेрдкाрд▓ी рдЬрдирддा реирежрекрем рд╕ाрд▓рдоा рдмेрд╕्рд╕рд░ी рдЙрдаे । рд╣ुрди рдд рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрд▓े рдкрдЮ्рдЪाрдпрддрдХो рдЖрд░рдо्рдн рджेрдЦि рдиै рдд्рдпो рд╡्рдпрд╡рд╕्рдеा рд╡िрд░ुрдж्рдз рд╡िрднिрди्рди рдХрджрдо рдЪाрд▓ेрдХा рд╣ुрди् । рддрд░ рдЖрдо рдиेрдкाрд▓ी рдЬрдирддाрд▓ाрдИ рд╡िрд╢्рд╡ाрд╕рдоा рд▓िрдПрд░ рд╕рд╢рдХ्рдд рд░ुрдкрдоा рдкрдЮ्рдЪाрдпрддी рд╡्рдпрд╡рд╕्рдеा рд╡िрд░ुрдж्рдз рджрд░ोрд╕ंрдЧ рдЬाрдЗрд▓ाрдЧ्рди рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрд▓े реирежрекрем рд╕ाрд▓ рд╕рдо्рдоै рдкрд░्рдЦрдиु рдкрд░्рдпो । рдЬрдирддाрдХो рд╕ाрде рдкाрдПрд░ рдкрдЮ्рдЪाрдпрдд рдвाрд▓िрдпो, рд░ рдоुрд▓ुрдХрдоा рдмрд╣ुрджрд▓ीрдп рд╡्рдпрд╡рд╕्рдеा рдЖрд░рдо्рдн рднрдпो । рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓ рд░ рддिрдирдХा рдиेрддाрд▓े рдЪाрд╣े рдЬрд╕рд░ी рдиेрдкाрд▓ рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░ рд╕рдЮ्рдЪाрд▓рди рд╣ुрди рдеाрд▓्рдпो । рдкрд╣िрд▓े рдЦाрдПрдХो рдаोрдХрд░рдХा рдХाрд░рдг рдЕрдм рдд рджрд▓рдХा рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ु рд╕рдЪेрдд рднрдПрдХा рд╣ोрд▓ाрди् рд░ рдоुрд▓ुрдХ рддрдеा рдЬрдирддाрдХो рднрд▓ो рд╣ुрдиे рдХाрдо рдЧрд░्рд▓ाрди्, рд╕рдд्рддाрдХो рд▓ुрдЫाрдЪुँрдбीрдоा рдирд▓ाрдЧि рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рд╕्рдеिрд░рддा, рд╡िрдХाрд╕, рд╕ुрдЦ–рд╢ाрди्рддि рджेрд▓ाрди् рднрди्рдиे рдЖрд╢ा рдкрд▓ाрдпो, рдЬрдирддाрдоा ।

рддрд░ рдЖрдо рдиेрдкाрд▓ी рдЬрдирддाрдХो рдд्рдпो рдЖрд╢ा рд▓ाрдоो рд╕рдордп рдЯिрдХ्рди рд╕рдХेрди । 'рд╡िрд╢्рд╡рдХै рдЙрдд्рдХृрд╖्рдЯ' рднрдиिрдПрдХो рд╕ंрдмिрдзाрди рдЬाрд░ी рднрдПрдХो рел рд╡рд░्рд╖рдоै рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░рд▓ाрдИ рдмрдо, рдмрди्рджूрдХ рд░ рд╣िँрд╕ाрдХो рдЪрдкेрдЯाрдоा рдкाрд░िрдпो । 'рд╡िрд╢्рд╡рдХै рдЙрдд्рдХृрд╖्рдЯ' рд╕ंрдмिрдзाрди рд░ рдд्рдпрд╕ рдЕрди्рддрд░्рдЧрддрдХो 'рдЬрдирддाрдоा рд╕ाрд░्рд╡рднौрдорд╕рдд्рддा' рд░рд╣ेрдХो рд╢ाрд╕рди рдк्рд░рдгाрд▓ीрд▓े рд╕рдмैрд▓ाрдИ рдоिрд▓ाрдПрд░, рдЪिрдд्рдд рдмुрдЭाрдПрд░ рд╕ंрдЧै рд╣िँрдбाрдЙрди рд╕рдХेрди । рдЬрдирддाрдХो рд╣िрдд рдЧрд░्рдЫु рднрдиेрд░ рдЕрдиेрдХौँ рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рд╕िрдж्рдзाрди्рддрдХो рдмрдЦाрди рдЧрд░िрдП । рдиेрдкाрд▓ी–рдиेрдкाрд▓ीрдмीрдЪ рдоाрд░ाрдХाрдЯ рдЧрд░ाрдЗрдпो । рдиेрдкाрд▓ рдЖрдоाрдХा рджрд╢ौँ рд╣рдЬाрд░ рд╕рдкुрддрд╣рд░ुрд▓े рдЕрдХाрд▓рдоा рдоाрд░िрдиु рдкрд░्рдпो । рдмрдбो рджु:рдЦрд▓े рдЖрд░्рдЬрди рдЧрд░िрдПрдХा рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░िрдп рд╕рдо्рдкрддि рдз्рд╡рд╕्рдд рдкाрд░िрдпो । рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░рд▓े рдпो рд╡िрдз्рд╡ंрд╕рд╡ाрдЯ рджрд╢ौँ рдЕрд░्рдм рд░ुрдкिрдЮाँрдХो рдк्рд░рдд्рдпрдХ्рд╖ рдХ्рд╖рддि рдмेрд╣ोрд░्рдиु рдкрд░्рдпो । рдоाрдирд╡ рдЬ्рдпाрдирдХो рдЦрддि, рд╕ाрдоाрдЬिрдХ, рд╕ाँрд╕्рдХृрддिрдХ рдХ्рд╖рддिрдХो рд▓ेрдЦाрдЬोрдЦा рдЫैрди । рд╡िрдХाрд╕рдХो рдЧрддि рдмрдв्рдиुрдХो рд╕ाрдЯो рднрдПрдХा рд╕ंрд░рдЪрдиा рдкрдиि рд╕рдоाрдк्рдд рдкाрд░िрдпो । рдкрд╣िрд▓ो рдЬрдирдЖрди्рджोрд▓рди рджेрдЦि рджोрд╢्рд░ो рдЬрдирдЖрди्рджोрд▓рди рд╕рдо्рдордХो рдЕрд╡рдзिрдоा рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрд▓े рдоुрд▓ुрдХ рд░ рдЬрдирддाрд▓ाрдИ рджु:рдЦ, рдХрд╖्рдЯ рд░ рд╕ाрд╕्рддी рдоाрдд्рд░ рджिрдП ।

рдЬрддि рджु:рдЦ рдкाрдП рдкрдиि рдиेрдкाрд▓ी рдЬрдирддाрд▓े, рдкुрди: рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрд▓ाрдИ рд╕ाрде рджिрдП, рджोрд╢्рд░ो рдЬрдирдЖрди्рджोрд▓рдирдоा । рд░ рдЬрдирддाрдХो рдд्рдпो рд╡िрд╢ाрд▓ рднेрд▓рд▓े рд░ाрдЬाрд▓ाрдИ рдкाрдЦा рд▓рдЧाрдЗрджिрдпो । рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрд▓े рдлेрд░ि рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░ рд╕рдЮ्рдЪाрд▓рдирдХो рдЬिрдо्рдоेрд╡ाрд░ी рдкाрдП ।

... рдЧрдгрддрди्рдд्рд░рдоा рдкрдиि рдЙрд╕्рддै
рдиेрдкाрд▓ рд░ рдиेрдкाрд▓ीрдХा рд▓ाрдЧि рд╢ाрд╕рди рд╡्рдпрд╡рд╕्рдеाрдХो рдЪрдпрди рд░ рд╕рдЮ्рдЪाрд▓рди рдиेрдкाрд▓ीрд▓े рдЖрдлैँ рдЧрд░्рдиु рдкрд░्рдиे рд╢ाрд╕्рд╡рдд् рдпрдеाрд░्рдерд▓ाрдИ рдЫाрдбेрд░ рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ु рдЕрд╣िрд▓े рдкрдиि рдордирдкрд░ी рдЧрд░िрд░ाрдЦेрдХा рдЫрди् । рдирдпाँ рдиेрдкाрд▓ рдмрдиाрдЙрдиे рдиाрд░ा рджिрдЗрдПрдХो рдЫ । рднाрд░рддीрдп рд╢ाрд╕рдХрд╣рд░ुрдХो рдиिрд░्рджेрд╢рдирдоा рдЧрд░िрдПрдХो резреи рдмुँрджे рд╕рдо्рдЭौрддा рдЕрдиुрд░ुрдк рджेрд╢рдоा рд╕्рдеाрдпिрдд्рд╡ рджिрдиे рднрдиिрдПрдХो рдЫ । рдЬрдирддाрд▓े рдЖрдл्рдиो рд╕ंрдмिрдзाрди рдЖрдлैँ рдмрдиाрдЙрдиे рднрдиेрд░ рд╕ंрдмिрдзाрди рд╕рднाрдХो рдЪुрдиाрд╡ рдЧрд░िрдпो । рджोрд╢्рд░ो рдЬрдирдЖрди्рджोрд▓рдирдоा рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓рд╣рд░ुрдХो рдиेрддृрдд्рд╡ рд╕्рд╡ीрдХाрд░ рдЧрд░ेрд░ рдЕрд╡ рдЪाрд╣िँ рд╣ाрдо्рд░ो рд╢ाрд╕рди рд╣ाрдоी рдЖрдлैँрд▓े рдЧрд░्рди рдкाрдЙрдиे рднрдпौँ рднрди्рдиे рдЬрдирддाрдоा рдЬाрдЧेрдХो рдЖрд╢ाрдоा рдлेрд░ि рддुрд╖ाрд░ाрдкाрдд рднрдПрдХो рдЫ ।

рд╢ाрди्рддि рд░ рд╣िँрд╕ा рд╕ंрдЧै рд╣िँрдб्рди рд╕рдХ्рддैрдирди् рднрди्рдиे рдпрдеाрд░्рдерд▓ाрдИ рдЧрд▓рдд рд╕ाрд╡ि рдЧрд░्рдиे рджूрд╕्рдк्рд░рдпाрд╕ рд╕्рд╡рднाрд╡िрдХ рд░ुрдкрдоा рдЕрд╕рдлрд▓ рд╣ुँрджै рдЧрдПрдХो рдЫ । рд╕ंрдШीрдп рд▓ोрдХрддाрди्рдд्рд░िрдХ рдЧрдгрддрди्рдд्рд░рдХो рд╕ंрд╡िрдзाрди рдмрдиाрдЙрдиे рдЬिрдо्рдоेрд╡ाрд░ी рдкрдЫाрдбि рдкाрд░िрдПрдХो рдЫ । 'рд▓ोрдХрддाрди्рдд्рд░िрдХ' рдЖрди्рджोрд▓рдирдХा рд╕ाрд░рдеीрд╣рд░ु рд╕рдд्рддाрдХो рд▓ुрдЫाрдЪुँрдбीрдоा рдорд░िрд╣рдд्рддे рдЧрд░ेрд░ рд▓ाрдЧेрдХा рдЫрди् । рд╕рд╣рдорддिрдХो рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддि рдЦोрдХ्рд░ो рдиाрд░ाрдоा рдкрд░िрдгрдд рд╣ुрди рдкुрдЧेрдХो рдЫ । рд╣िँрд╕ा, рдЕрд░ाрдЬрдХрддा рд╡्рдпाрдк्рдд рдЫ । рдЕрдкрд░ाрдзрд▓ाрдИ рд░ाрдЬ्рдпрд▓े рдиै рд╕ंрд░рдХ्рд╖рдг рджिрдЗрд░ाрдЦेрдХो рдХुрд░ा рд╕्рд╡рдпрдо् рдк्рд░рдзाрдирдорди्рдд्рд░ीрд▓े 'рджрдг्рдбрд╣ीрдирддा рдЫ' рднрдиेрд░ рд╕्рд╡ीрдХाрд░ рдЧрд░िрд╕рдХेрдХा рдЫрди् । рдЖрдо рдиाрдЧрд░िрдХ рдЕрд╕ुрд░рдХ्рд╖ा, рдЕрд╡्рдпрд╡рд╕्рдеा рд░ рдЕрд░ाрдЬрдХрддाрд▓े рдд्рд░ाрд╣ीрдоाрдо् рдЫрди् । рд╡िрдХाрд╕рдХो рдЧрддि рд▓рдЧрднрдЧ рдардк्рдк рдЫ ।

рд╣िँрд╕ा рд░ рд╣िँрд╕ाрдХो рдзрдо्рдХीрд▓ाрдИ рдиेрдкाрд▓ी рдиाрдЧрд░िрдХрд▓े рднोрдЧ्рдиु рдкрд░्рдиे рджैрдиिрдХी рдмрдиाрдЗрдПрдХो рдЫ । рдЕрд░्рдерддрди्рдд्рд░ рдзрд░ाрд╢ाрдпी рдмрди्рджैрдЫ рднрдиेрд░ рд╡िрд╢ेрд╖рдЬ्рдЮрд╣рд░ु рднрди्рджैрдЫрди् । рдЕрд╕рдлрд▓ рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░рдоा рд╣ुрдиे рд╕рдмै рд╡िрд╢ेрд╖рддा рдиेрдкाрд▓ рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░рд▓े рд╣ाрд╕िрд▓ рдЧрд░िрд╕рдХेрдХो рдЫ, рд╡िрд╢्рд╡рд╡्рдпाрдкी рдоाрди्рдпрддाрдХा рдЖрдзाрд░рдоा । рдоुрд▓ुрдХрдХो рдк्рд░рддिрд╖्рдаा рдЕрди्рддрд░्рд░ाрд╖्рдЯ्рд░िрдп рдЬрдЧрдд्рдоा рдз्рд╡рд╕्рдд рдкाрд░िрдПрдХो рдЫ । рдк्рд░рдзाрдирдорди्рдд्рд░ी, рдорди्рдд्рд░ी рддрдеा рдЬिрдо्рдоेрд╡ाрд░ рд╣ुрдиुрдкрд░्рдиे рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ुрдХो рдмोрд▓ी рд░ рд╡्рдпрдмрд╣ाрд░рдХो рдаेрдЧाрди рдЫैрди । рд░ाрдЬ्рдпрд▓े рд╡िрд╢्рд╡рд╕рдиीрдпрддा рдЧुрдоाрдЙँрджै рдЫ, рдЖрдо рдиाрдЧрд░िрдХрдХा рд╕ाрдоू рдоाрдд्рд░ рд╣ोрдЗрди, рд╡िрд╢्рд╡ рд╕рдоुрджाрдпрдХा рд╕ाрдоू рдкрдиि । рдпрд╕्рддो рдЕрд╡्рдпрд╡рд╕्рдеाрдХो рдкрд░िрдгाрдо рдХे рд╣ुрдиे рд╣ो рднрди्рдиे рднрдпाрд╡рд╣ рдд्рд░ाрд╕ рдЫ, рдЖрдо рдиाрдЧрд░िрдХрдоा । рд╣िँрд╕ाрдХो рдмрд▓ рджिрди рдк्рд░рддि рджिрди рдмрд▓िрдпो рд╣ुँрджै рдЧрдПрдХो рдЫ ।

рдпो рд╕рдордЧ्рд░ рд╕्рдеिрддिрдХा рд▓ाрдЧि рд╣ाрдо्рд░ा рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рдиेрддाрд╣рд░ु рдиै рдЬिрдо्рдоेрд╡ाрд░ рд╣ुрди् । рд░ рдоुрд▓ुрдХрд▓ाрдИ рд╕рд╣ी рджिрд╢ा рджिрди рд╣ाрдо्рд░ा рд░ाрдЬрдиीрддिрдХ рджрд▓ рд░ рддिрдирдХा рдиेрддा рдлेрд░ि рдПрдХ рдкрдЯрдХ рдЕрд╕рдлрд▓ рд╕ाрдмिрдд рд╣ुрди рд▓ाрдЧेрдХो рдк्рд░рдоाрдг рд╡рд░्рддрдоाрдирд▓े рджिрдЗрд░ाрдЦेрдХो рдЫ ।
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Back to the old ways?

By: Yubaraj Ghimire

The fate of Nepal’s ongoing peace process and the promised new constitution depends on how sincerely Prachanda and his party, the Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists (UCPN-M), cooperate in the process. He is focused more on retaining the party leadership and all the clout associated with it; supporting the peace process and the drafting of the constitution appears secondary, even tactical.

A clear division at the party’s top level as well as in its various wings has resulted in a visible erosion in Prachanda’s loyalty base. His main concern is to not allow a party convention to take place in the near future, although his rivals — party vice presidents Mohan Baidhya Kiran and Baburam Bhattarai — are lobbying hard for it. If that happens, Prachanda will face a challenge to his leadership for the first time in the quarter century since he began his underground politics.

The trade union wing of the party suffered a split recently and Prachanda acolyte Shaligram Jammarkatel had to face a parallel body led by Badri Majgain, a Baidhya loyalist. Jammarkatel’s sole control over the union so far and its sway over all kinds of trade and industries added to Prachanda’s might. But the birth of the parallel faction forced the party standing committee to dissolve the trade union itself and convert it into a preparatory committee to hold its national convention as well as elections. The control over the trade union — supposed to be the richest unit of the richest party in the country — is crucial to Prachanda.

The erosion in his clout has come at a time when he stands discredited in India, his home for eight out of 10 of his insurgency years as per his own admission, and the country that mediated his entry into the democratic fold, paving the way for his elevation to the PM’s chair through an electoral process in August 2008.

By 2005, India had recognised Maoists as the true representatives of the people and given up its twin-pillar theory, on assessment that aspiration for change in Nepal no longer favoured the continuation of the monarchy, even in a constitutional form. Near-nil chances of the constitution being delivered now show that India’s declared intent and outcome do not match. Increasingly, the Indian architects of Nepal’s policy from 2005 are seen here as actors without accountability. That image comes in handy for Prachanda.

He knows his political future depends on his retaining the leadership of the party. For that, he has to speak like a “revolutionary” and champion the party’s worldview that Maoists are against “US hegemony and Indian expansionism”, and that the party must launch a revolt to assert Nepali nationalism and control state power. Assuring the Indian Maoists that “we have not at all compromised on our principles and values of our revolution” is a tactical necessity for him under the circumstances.

That Prime Minister Jhalanath Khanal, who is also the chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), could not implement the secret deal he had recently signed with Prachanda to run a coalition government, following opposition from all sides, has given a fresh excuse to the Maoist supremo to discard democratic forces as “untrustworthy” and go his own way.

Although the PM’s refusal to give the home portfolio to the Maoists as promised has been officially projected as the reason for the Maoists not joining the cabinet, it is not so simple. Those who would have been left out of a total of 11 berths promised — especially from the guerrilla wing, dominant ethnic groups and the party trade union — would have deserted Prachanda. He would also have been a target of much vilification within his party since families of the cadres who had lost their lives during 10 years of insurgency had warned Prachanda and other top leaders of “action for their disrespect to the blood that martyrs shed”.

Having burnt all his boats, beginning with India that created the ground for his safe landing in democratic polity, Prachanda perhaps faces his toughest journey in politics. His call for a return to radical politics is more for tactical reasons, but whether it will have the kind of impact it had in the past is doubtful.

Prachanda’s dilemma is not a good sign for peace and stability in the country that does not have an effective government nor state institutions based on constitutional principles which became the first casualty of the success of the mass movement of April 2006. Retrospectively, the demolition of the old order from within was perhaps the biggest success of Maoists, something their allies and other political parties are shy to admit.

Maoists can revolt, show indifference or sabotage the system from within — hoping it will help them in the long run — but other pro-democratic forces seem incapable of responding to the situation that emerges.

(Courtesy: Indian Express)