Jun 30, 2012

President vs Prime Minister

By Yubaraj Ghimire

The heightened tussle between Baburam Bhattarai and Ram Baran Yadav makes the road ahead less clear

A month after the demise of the Constituent Assembly, Nepalese actors appear more confused about the way forward. A power-tussle between President Ram Baran Yadav and caretaker Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai further compounds the confusion. Bhattarai said he will hand over power only to a prime minister elected after the general elections scheduled for November 22. But Yadav, after consultations with legal and constitutional experts, seems to have inferred that with the constitutionally defined term of the House over, Bhattarai should not be allowed to continue.

Bhattarai insists he will not quit. He has said that his “quitting now may lead to a return of February 1” — implying that it may bring the absolute monarchy back. Former King Gyanendra had assumed all executive powers on February 1, 2005, only to return it to political parties nine months later, under pressure of a mass movement backed by the international community, including India. But the period until now has led to a loss of face for the parties, including the Maoists, resulting in chaos and constitutional breakdown.

Altogether, 78 members of the dissolved CA belonging to the Nepali Congress submitted a petition seeking the revival of the House to finish the constitution-writing task. The move has the quiet support of Maoist chief Prachanda, as the revival of the House may also restore his position as leader of the biggest party in the House. Then, he may also be able to seek disqualification of party members who have formed the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists under the anti-defection law. Besides, there is much at stake for the international community since they had invested so much in forming lobbyists. Yet, reviving a House that wears the stigma of failure does not have popular support, and it is likely to be contested politically.

A spate of protests seeking Bhattarai’s ouster and state repression are fast making him unpopular. His move to prepare a full-fledged, and apparently populist, budget in the absence of parliament and political consensus is being resisted by Yadav. On June 27, the president asked the PM to bring only an “advance budget for three months”, or secure political consensus to introduce a full budget.

The Election Commission has expressed doubts over the possibility of elections in November. It has also asked the government to clarify by July 22 whether the election is for the CA (as recommended) or for parliament. Moreover, all the election commissioners are retiring in October, and those positions are unlikely to be filled in the absence of a full-fledged PM, leader of opposition and speaker who, along with the chief justice, form the constitutional council that recommends such appointments.

Where does Nepal go from here? Concerns among donors and neighbours is rising. The British minister for international development, Alan Duncan, came on a three-day stock-taking visit to assess the post-CA politics.

China, a quiet player, has made it clear that a chaotic and unstable Nepal, with “India-US” increasing their clout “step-by-step”, is not something it will tolerate. Even as Indian authorities unofficially talk about “keeping off” from Nepal for now, a recent revelation by S.D. Muni, an actor in bringing Maoists and the establishment together a decade ago, claims that Prachanda and Bhattarai established contact with the Indian PMO back in June 2002 (“Bringing Maoists down from the Hill: India’s Role” in Nepal in Transition, Cambridge University Press, 2012). It raises doubts about India managing to escape. The revelation brings India into fresh controversy.

Nepalese actors have got enough outside forces to blame for the failure of the constitution-making process. But that has not absolved them of responsibility. They are still not serious about how to chart out the road to constitutional order and financial security together. A president-PM tussle is certain to make the journey more complicated, but it looks unavoidable.

Courtesy: Indian Express

Nepal PM a tool of foreign forces: UML leader Khanal

By Telegraph Nepal

Chairman Jhalanath Khanal of United Marxist Leninist Party who during his term as the country’s prime minister survived with the expectation of receiving invitation for a state visit to India-which was virtually denied by the New Delhi regime, has said while addressing a program in Nuwakot district that Prime Minister Baburam was nothing but a tool of the foreign forces.

To recall, even Beijing ignored him.

Addressing a press meet in district headquarters, Bidur, Khanal claimed that Baburam’s sole objective is to foment chaos and make the country unstable as directed by his foreign masters. Which master? Clever Kahanl though did not reveal.

“The country is reeling under severe political and constitutional crisis. Our prime minister on the other hand is supporting the foreign forces to add to the current instability”.

“We are extremely worried because the Prime Minister himself has become the tool of foreign forces”, he said.

Hoina Kasko TOOOL?

“Upon return from Brazil Baburam, has suddenly acquired the strength in a mysterious manner He has become arrogant. I am certain the day will soon come when this arrogance will break like an egg”.

And Khanal will make an Omelette, hopefully.

“The CA election is not possible just because a prime minister and his party is in favour of it. The election is a ploy of the Prime Minister to push the country into yet another fierce confrontation.”

Courtesy: Telegraph Nepal

No treachery against mother Nepal, split was natural: Mohan Baidya

By Telegraph Nepal

The separation with the Unified Maoists Party, according to Chairman Mohan Baidya Kiran of Nepal Communist Party-Maoist, has happened as per the Marxist philosophy of “unity, struggle, transformation and split”.

A new philosophy of split indeed.

He claimed since the party top leadership rejected their offer for transformation thus the split was quite natural. He also advised his party cadres not to take the split unnaturally. He made these remarks while inaugurating ‘Icchuk Cultural Foundation’ in Kathmandu, June 30, 2012.

“We rejected the course of treachery against motherland. We have chosen the path traced by the martyrs and we are also ready to make sacrifices to liberate the population”.

Does he mean the other camp is a treacherous one? Grand accusation.

The separation was necessary because we had to realize the unfulfilled dreams of the martyrs like Krishna Sen Icchuk, he claimed.

“To remember him and to name a cultural foundation after him is a laudable work. We will extend our full support to develop the foundation as a research center.”

Present at the program were the central committee members of the new party, Surya Subedi, Anil Sharma, President of Revolutionary Journalists’ Association Maheshwar Dahal, vice president of the foundation Dr. Rishi Raj Baral, Professor Jagdish Chandra Bhandari and others.

Courtesy: Telegraph Nepal

अवको बाटो: वैधानिकताको निरन्तरता

दीपक गजुरेल

दीपक गजुरेल
प्रधानमन्त्री डा. बाबुराम भट्टराईले राजीनामा नदिने भए नयाँ चुनाव भएर अर्को सरकार प्रमुखको नियुक्ति नभएसम्म आफैँले देश हाँक्ने अडान बडो दृढताका साथ राखेका छन् उनले, विपक्षीहरुको दवावलाई बेवास्ता गर्दै

गएको केही वर्षदेखि चलिराखेको छलकपटपूर्ण राजनीतिको पृष्ठभूमिमा भट्टराईले अहिले यसो भन्नु अनौठो पनि होइन अस्वभाविक पनि होइन । १२ बुँदे दिल्ली सम्झौतादेखि अहिलेसम्म माओवादीले राजनीतिक फाइदा मात्र लिएको , काँग्रेस, एमाले लगायत संसदवादी दलहरुले नोक्सान भोगेका छन् एक पछि अर्को गर्दै माओवादीका एजेण्डामा घिसारिँदै यिनीहरु यहाँसम्म आइपुगेका हुन् अहिले 'यसो गरिदिनुस्' भनेर माओवादीसँग 'माग' गर्ने अवस्थामा पुर्याइएका छन्

राष्ट्रप्रमुखले 'तिमी कामचलाउ प्रधानमन्त्री भैसक्यौ' भनिसकेको अन्तरिम संविधानले कुनै वैधानिक बाटो नदेखाएको अहिलेको अवस्थामा वैधानिक बाटो अपनाउने कुनै उपाय निकास छैन, अन्तरिम संविधान अन्तर्गत

संविधानसभा समाप्त भएको, संवैधानिक तथा राजनीतिक संकट उत्पन्न भएको अहिलेको सन्दर्भलाई दुई दृष्टिकोणले हेर्नु पर्ने हुन्छ विगत् लामो समयदेखि नेपालको आन्तरिक राजनीतिमा भारतको 'एकाधिकार' प्रभाव रहँदै आएको हो तर अव त्यसलाई चुनौति दिने अन्य विश्व शक्तिहरु पनि नेपालमा आफ्नो स्वार्थअनुसार खेल्न थालेका छन् उनीहरुका कामले भारतको 'नेपालमा जे पनि गर्न सक्छु' भन्ने स्थितिलाई धक्का दिएको

भारतको एकाधिकार अन्त्य गर्दै अन्य विश्व शक्तिहरु बढी प्रभावकारी ढंगले अघि बढेको परिणाम हो नेपालको अहिलेको राजनीतिक संकट नेपालको आन्तरिक राजनीतिमा 'कभर्ट' खेल खेलिराखेका हाम्रा छिमेकीका साथै अन्य विश्व शक्ति 'अर्काले कुन चाल चल्छ हेरौँ' भनेर दाउ हेरेर बसेको कारण पनि हाम्राले केही गर्न नसकेको अवस्था हो यो

विदेशी शक्तिहरुको दोहोरो मापदण्ड :
दोश्रो, नेपालको वर्तमान संकटका लागि नेपाली 'लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रवादी' हरु जति दोषी छन्, त्यो भन्दा वढी दोषी अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदाय भनिने यिनै विदेशी शक्तिहरु छन्

नेपालको सन्दर्भमा गएको आधा दशकको प्रवृत्तिको विश्लेषण गर्ने हो भने भारत, चीन, अमेरिका युरोपेली युनियनका केही राष्ट्रहरुले नेपालप्रति लिएको दोहोरो मापदण्डका कारण पनि नेपाल यतिबेला भडखालोमा परेको हो

यी शक्तिहरु आफूलाई प्रजातन्त्र तथा मानव अधिकारको ठेकेदार ठान्छन् तर नेपालमा मानव अधिकार मात्र होइन, सभ्य समाजमा सर्वस्वीकार्य प्रजातान्त्रिक मूल्य मान्यताको धज्जी उडाइँदा पनि ती बाहिरी शक्तिहरु बोल्दैनन्, बरु कानूनको सर्बाच्चताको मानमर्दन गर्न प्रत्यक्ष–परोक्ष मद्दत पुर्याइराखेका छन्

राजाको शासनलाई प्रजातन्त्र विरोधी भन्ने अमेरिका, भारत, युरोपेली लगायतले यसबेला नेपालको आन्तरिक मामला भन्न पाउँदैनन् आजसम्म आतङ्ककारीको सूचीमा नेपालका माओवादीलाई राखिराखेका भारत अमेरिकाले विगत् वर्षयता माओवादीसँग गरेको व्यवहारले नै यिनीहरुको दोहोरो मापदण्ड प्रष्टिन्छ

उसबेला 'नेपालको आन्तरिक मामला' भन्ने चीनले अहिले वास्तविकता बुझेको देखिँदैछ नेपालको आन्तरिक राजनीतिको स्वरुपले चीनको राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षामा के कस्तो असर पुर्याउने रहेछ भन्ने कुरा बेइजिङ्गका शासकहरुले राम्रै धक्का खाएपछि मात्र चेते जस्तो त्यसैले चीन यसबेला वर्ष अघिको जस्तो 'आन्तरिक मामला' भनिराखेको छैन तर पनि देखिने गरी विभत्स रुपमा चीन देखापरिराखेको छैन यसको संकेत चीनियाँ विद्वानहरुले गएको केही दिन यता दिइराखेका छन्

नयाँ संविधान नबनाई संविधानसभा विघटन हुने स्थितिमा बैधानिकताको निरन्तरता के हुने भन्ने व्यवस्था अन्तरिम संविधानले गरेको छैन यस्तो स्थितिमा वर्तमान अन्तरिम संविधान समेत बदर भैसकेको मुलुकमा संविधान नै नरहेको अवस्थामा राष्ट्रपति, प्रधानमन्त्री लगायत सबै अवैधानिक भैसकेका छन् । र अहिलेको यो अप्रजातान्त्रिक अवैधानिक शासनलाई गलत ढंगले साथ दिइराखेका छन्  'अन्तर्राष्टि्रय समुदाय' ले पनि

प्रजातन्त्र, मानव अधिकार तथा विधिको शासनको ठेक्का लिए जसरी आलोचना गर्ने 'प्रजातन्त्रवादी' हरु यसबेला मूक दर्शक मात्र होइन, यी नेपाली शासकका मतियार बनेका छन् आफ्नो स्वार्थका लागि भारत, अमेरिका, युरोपेली संघ लगायतका शक्तिहरुले नेपालमा दोहोरो मापदण्ड अपनाइराखेका छन्

निकासका वाटा छन् :
वर्तमान राजनीतिक तथा संवैधानिक शून्यताको निकासका वाटा नभएका होइनन् अन्तरिम संविधानसहित अहिलेको सम्पूर्ण प्रणाली बदर भएको अवस्थामा वैधानिकताको निरन्तरताको बाटो समाउनु पर्छ वा वैधानिकताको नयाँ स्वरुप अंगाल्नु पर्छ

वैधानिकताको निरन्तरताका लागि वि. सं. २०४७ सालको संविधानलाई सक्रिय पार्नु यसबेला सबैभन्दा उपयुक्त निकास हुनेछ त्यो संविधान सक्रिय पारेर राजा सहित सबै पक्ष बसेर अघि बढ्ने हो भने, विदेशीको स्वार्थ अनुसार होइन, नेपाल राष्ट्रको हितको दिशामा काम गर्न सकिनेछ

वैधानिकताको अर्को बाटो भनेको राजनीतिक वैधानिकता हुनेछ संविधान, कानून, सिद्धान्त केहीले पनि काम नगरेका बेला जनताको सर्वोच्चताको बाटो अपनाउनु एउटा उपयुक्त समाधान हुनसक्छ यसका लागि, अहिले सतहमा देखिएका, निर्वाचन आयोगमा दर्ता भएका, सडकमा उपस्थिति देखाएराखेका सबै राजनीतिक दल, राजसंस्था, नेपाली सेना लगायत नेपाली राजनीतिलाई प्रभावित पार्ने वा पार्न सक्ने संभाव्य सबै पक्ष (नेपाली मात्र) सम्मिलित सर्वपक्षीय वैठक गरी अव यो मुलुकलाई कता लाने कसरी अगाडि बढ्ने भन्नेबारेमा आम सहमति गर्नु पर्छ

यसो गर्दा एनजीओबाट रातारात नयाँ राजनीतिक शक्तिको जन्म गराउने संभावना पटक्कै नरहोस् भन्ने पक्षमा विशेष ध्यान दिएर 'सबै पक्ष' लाई समेट्नु पर्छ

होइन, वैधानिकताको निरन्तरता चाहिँदैन, हामीले जे गर्छौँ त्यही सही हो भनेर अहिलेकै जसरी अघि बढ्ने हो भने यी राजनीतिक दलहरुले यो मुलुकलाई अझ ठूलो भड्खालामा हाल्नेछन्

संविधानसभालाई फेरि व्युँताउने वा अर्को संविधानसभाको चुनाव गर्ने जस्ता बाटा अपनाइयो भने त्यो देशका लागि झन् बढी प्रत्युत्पादक हुनेछ

वर्तमान राजनीतिक तथा संवैधानिक शून्यता र उपयुक्त निकासका सन्दर्भमा वृहत्त विश्लेषण गोरखा एफ एममा असार ११ गते प्रत्यक्ष प्रशारित अन्तर्वार्ता सुन्न तलको लिङ्कमा क्लिक गर्नुहोस् ।