Jun 3, 2012

Panetta explains Pentagon's 'pivot' toward Asia

SINGAPORE -- As the U.S. seeks to reassert its role as a Pacific power after a decade of distant ground wars, the Obama administration has run into a problem: It’s hard to convince allies and rivals that the enhanced military commitment to Asia is sufficiently serious.

The Pentagon will replace older warships and add eight new ships to the Pacific fleet by 2020, but it plans only modest increases in other U.S. forces to a vast region that is increasingly anxious about China’s growing political and military clout and North Korea’s nuclear arsenal.

In a policy speech Saturday to an annual gathering of Asian defense officials, U.S. Secretary of Defense Leon E. Panetta sought to reassure allies that the "pivot" to the western Pacific and East Asia that President Obama promised during a visit to the region in November represented a substantial new effort, and not political spin.

Panetta urged his counterparts not to focus on the figures alone, but to look at America’s renewed commitment to protecting some of the world’s most vital shipping lanes.

"I would encourage you to look at the increasing technological capabilities of our forces as much as their numbers in judging the full measure of our security presence and the measure of our commitment," Panetta said at the conference.

He said advanced new weapons systems -- including F-35 fighter jets now under development and fast-attack Virginia-class submarines -- will provide "our forces with freedom of maneuver in areas in which our access and freedom of action may be threatened."

The U.S. military largely withdrew from Southeast Asia after the Vietnam War ended in the mid-1970s and major U.S. Navy and Air Force bases closed in the Philippines in the early 1990s. The return to the region is still small-scale by those standards.

As part of the plan, the Navy will base four new lightly armed ships in Singapore. They will operate in the Strait of Malacca, a strategic choke point for global transit of oil and trade, and the energy-rich South China Sea, where territorial jostling between China and other countries has raised tensions.

Patrick M. Cronin, an Asia security expert at the Center for a New American Security, a Washington-based think tank, said Japan and other longtime U.S. allies worry that possible defense cuts will make it harder for Washington to play the stepped-up security role that Panetta described.

"It’s complicated when the Chinese see [the pivot] as more real than your allies and partners," Cronin said. "Allies always want more reassurance."

U.S. officials say China has moved to counter America’s military edge in the Pacific and has developed anti-ship missiles, is developing an advanced fighter and is planning to launch its first aircraft carrier. But Beijing remains far behind Washington in its ability to project military power.

Washington's refocus on the region is carefully calibrated not to upset that balance, or to alarm deficit hawks in Congress.

With major cuts expected in the U.S. defense budget over the next decade, the Pentagon plans to increase the Pacific fleet from 50 warships to 58, according to two Pentagon officials who discussed the plans on condition of anonymity.

In addition, Panetta said that more than 40 Navy ships in the Pacific would be replaced with "more capable and technologically advanced ships" over the next five years.

But the number of warships "forward deployed" at any one time -- operating in Asian waters rather than moored in San Diego or other U.S. ports -- will grow by only four, from 23 to 27, by 2020. The reason: It is far less expensive to base troops, ships and planes in U.S. ports than abroad.

The six aircraft carriers now assigned to the Pacific will drop to five later this year. An additional carrier, now under construction, is scheduled to enter the fleet in 2014, returning the number to six.

Several hundred Marines have begun rotating into northern Australia on a training mission, and the force may grow to as many as 2,000 by 2016. But U.S. troop levels in South Korea, Japan and elsewhere in the region are likely to remain flat.

Panetta, who has been invited to visit China later this year, emphasized that the new strategy is not aimed at confronting China, whose defense minister and other top officials skipped this year’s conference after attending last year.

"Some view the increased emphasis by the United States on Asia-Pacific as some kind of challenge to China. I strongly reject that view," Panetta said. The "increased U.S. involvement in this region will benefit China as it advances our shared security and prosperity."

Yet after he leaves Singapore, Panetta will visit Vietnam and India, two countries with uneasy relations with China, in what U.S. officials describe as an effort to deepen U.S. military ties with both allies.

Vietnam says that Chinese ships sabotaged oil explorations in its waters twice last year by deliberately cutting undersea cables, charges that China denied. And China has competing territorial claims in the South China Sea with Malaysia and Brunei.

Some Pentagon officials worry that the new U.S. effort may embolden the Philippines and other countries with defense treaties with Washington to be more assertive in disputes with China over seabeds believed to hold large oil and gas deposits, possibly sparking confrontations that U.S. officials want to avoid.

Panetta said that the U.S. is "paying close attention" to a standoff between Chinese and Philippine ships on Scarborough Shoal, a valuable fishing ground in the South China Sea that both countries have claimed. The area is known in China as Huangyan Island.

"We do not take sides when it comes to the competing territorial claims, but we do want this dispute resolved peacefully and in a manner consistent with international law," Panetta said.


Bangladesh on US strategic radar


By Rijul Singh Uppal

On the day of the Bharat Bandh against the petrol price hike, 31 May 2012, the news channel Times Now broke the news about Washington seeking a strategic military relationship with Bangladesh, starting with the docking of the 7th Fleet of the US Navy on an island off Chittagong. An editorial in the Bangladesh newspaper, Daily Star (7 May 2012) on the visit of US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, noted that, “It has for one thing, moved the level of bilateral relationship to a higher degree and, for another, formally brought Bangladesh on the strategic radar of the United States. Clinton’s comments covered both the internal political situation as well as the strategic compulsions”.
Dhaka’s surfacing on the tactical map of the United States would surely ring bells in the capitals of several south and south east Asian nations. Washington is clearly upping the ante in the region, searching for a new ally in the light of current tensions in US-Pakistan relations, and of course, China, whom it is challenging on the dominance of the South China Sea.
US and the Indian Ocean region 
It is a delicious irony that the US, which in 1971 send the 7th Fleet to the Bay of Bengal to intimidate India in the Bangladesh Liberation War, should now ask Dhaka to host the same fleet as it defends its strategic interests vis-a-vis Myanmar and China. Bangladesh is a natural choice as it shares borders with India and Myanmar, is a near neighbour to China, and stands as a bridge between south and south east Asia. For the US, Bangladesh is a maritime nation and its access to the open sea and the Indian Ocean is a strategic asset that America wants to capitalise upon.
The presence of an American naval fleet in Bangladesh could see the Bay of Bengal emerge as a conflict zone between Beijing and Washington, the consequences of which could be deleterious to the Indian national and security interests. As it is, the establishment of an American military base at the Diego Garcia Islands in the 1970s bought about a paradigm shift in the Indian Ocean Region, adding to mistrust with the then Soviet Union. Now it is emerging as a major conflict zone with the emergence of an assertive China. The establishment of a US navy parking dock/bay in Bangladesh that could possibly be converted into a permanent base for US/NATO militaries can only add to the tensions in the region.
Since the end of the Second World War, the Indian Ocean region has been increasingly militarised. In recent decades, Beijing established a foothold in the region with the establishment of a surveillance base on Myanmar’s Coco Islands.
For New Delhi, this could pose two opposing and intriguing scenarios: 1) The Indo-US strategic partnership could evolve into an Indo-US-Bangladesh arrangement, and 2) The US-Bangladesh military relationship could turn out to be a bipartite relationship on the lines of the present US-Pakistan relationship. Although some would argue that this step could lead to a tripartite partnership, others think it unlikely in view of America’s history of strategic military relationships.
Overall, however, the presence of an American fleet in an exclusive docking bay would eventually pose a strategic disadvantage to India as it would bring all Indian military installations and the famous missile test sites on the eastern coast under direct US surveillance. It would also undermine the Indian Navy’s current regional maritime dominance.
Hence it is in New Delhi’s interest to ensure that Bangladesh does not accede to the American request for naval parking facilities off Chittagong. The Indian government and security establishment must take energetic measures to correct the balance of influence on Bangladesh; South Block must offer Dhaka adequate aid to meet its legitimate developmental needs, and resolve the messy Teesta waters issue in as fair a manner as possible, without compromising the interests of Bengal farmers.
Conclusion 
New Delhi’s abiding problem is a weak leadership, an incoherent foreign policy, and a propensity to be reactive in its efforts to establish itself as a regional power. In fact, much like the ‘emerging superpower’ lemon sold to us by the George Bush administration, it is doubtful if New Delhi has ever been serious about India’s natural right to be the regional hegemon.
Certainly, our pursuit of this goal has been indifferent. We have much to learn, if only we would, from Beijing, whose inroads into the nations of south and south east Asia are lessons to emulate. In recent times, India’s approach towards its neighbours has been that of a friendly but unreliable neighbour. The ignorance and indifference shown by the Indian polity as a whole towards countries like Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and even Iran has created a vacuum of regional leadership.
Our foreign policy appears to rest upon ignorance of our neighbours and their genuine needs, and unduly weak and deferential towards western nations, especially America, even on matters concerning regional geopolitics and our own internal security. That is why the US secretary of state Hillary Clinton can ‘advice’ us on our relations with Bangladesh.
It is time to shake off the ennui and sloth of the Foreign Office and to reach our potential as a regional power. The tilt by Sri Lanka and Bangladesh away from India is a clear failure of India’s foreign policy mandarins.
As a beginning, we must accept the harsh truth that SAARC as a regional organisation established to increase co-operation and build trust between the member nations is a failure. Despite the existence of SAARC, we have not achieved any regional co-operation in the past decade. Instead of using SAARC to exert leadership and handle regional issues, India has been toeing western line in the UN on issues concerning the region. The UN resolution on War Crimes in Sri Lanka, where India toed the western line instead of calling a meeting of SAARC to resolve the issue within the region, is only the latest instance of this colossal failure of Indian diplomacy.
References
The author is a student. He can be followed on twitter at https://twitter.com/#!/therijuluppal


Jun 1, 2012

राजनीतिमा आपराधिकता राष्ट्रपतिले गम्भीरतासाथ सोच्ने साहस गरिसकेका छैनन्


युवराज घिमिरे

समयमा संविधान जारी गर्न नसकेको र संविधानसभाको मृत्यु असफलतामा हुन पुगेकोमा प्रधानमन्त्री बाबुराम भट्टराईलगायतले क्षमा मागे। त्यो सामान्य औपचारिकताबाहेक केही थिएन। पटकपटक संविधानसभाको म्याद थपिँदा र हरे• दुई दिनमा चामत्कारिक निर्णय गर्ने बयान दिँदै आएका भट्टराई-प्रचण्ड र काँग्रेस, संयुक्त मधेसी मोर्चा तथा एमालेले अतीतमा कहिल्यै क्षमायाचना गरेनन्। अहिले भट्टराईले त्यसो गर्दा पनि उनमा इमानदार र आत्मग्लानीको अंश न्यून र औपचारिकताको बढी थियो। लेखेको 'हरफ पढेर माफी मागेका थिए उनले टुँडिखेलमा।

मुलुकको ढुकुटीबाट १० अर्ब रुपैयाँ स्वाहा हुनुमा त्यति दु:ख मान्नुपर्ने स्थिति नहोला। तर, ६ वर्षको 'राजनीतिक लक्ष्य या गन्तव्य तथा चार पार्टीहरूले एकाधिकार जमाएको राजनीतिक प्रक्रिया ब्युँताउन नसक्ने गरी तुहिएको छ। नेताहरू जनताले स्वीकार गर्न नसक्ने स्थितिमा पुगेका छन्। नारायणकाजी श्रेष्ठको कृत्रिम रोदन जस्तै भट्टराईको क्षमायाचनाले मात्र उनीहरू नेपाल राष्ट्र र जनताप्रतिको अपराध दोषबाट मुक्त हुने छैनन्। यो चार वर्षमा नेपाललाई वैदेशिक उपनिवेश नभए पनि दाता प्रभुहरूको रैयतको हैसियतमा पु:याएका छन् कथित नयाँ नेपाला यी सारथिले।

ठूला राजनीतिक दलहरू र द्वैध चरित्रका डलर खेतीलाई सर्वोपरि ठान्ने तर समावेशी नेपालो नारा जप्ने दातृभक्त नागरिक समाजका अगुवाहरू समानरूपमा दोषी छन् यसका लागि। पद्मरत्न तुलाधर शुद्धरूपमा नेपाली जनताको हक र पञ्चायत भित्रैबाट पनि प्रजातन्त्रको पक्षमा आवाज उठाउँदा जति सम्मानित थिए, के आज छन् त? अहिले उनी विदेशी दाताको पैसा र एजेन्डा बोक्दैछन्। उनको अभियानको सञ्चालन के नेपाली जनताको समर्थनबाट भइरहेको छ त? जनजाति महासंघले वार्षिक अनुदानमा विभिन्न विदेशी दाताहरूबाट एक अर्ब जति पाइरहेको अनुमान छ। तीमध्ये केही अब नयाँ दल बनाउने तयारीमा देखिन्छन् अहिले आफू आबद्ध पार्टी छोडेर। तर प्रश्न उठ्छ- के त्यो विदेशी अनुदान पार्टीको फन्डमा रूपान्तरण नहोला?  

जनजाति महासंघका अग्रणीहरूले यति ठूलो रकम भित्रिएको कुरा आफ्नै समर्थकहरूलाई जानकारी दिएका छन् त?  या उनीहरू 'नवबाहुनका रूपमा आफ्नै जनजातिलाई अन्ध अनुयायी बनाएर आफ्नो मात्र दुनो सोझ्याउँदै छन्? जनता आफ्नो हक र अधिकारका लागि लड्न डराउँदैनन्, थाक्दैनन्। तर, भोलि माओवादी लडाकुहरूले उनीहरूको तलबवापत सरकारले दिएको अर्बौं रकम प्रचण्डले कुम्ल्याएको आरोप लगाएजस्तै जनजाति महासंघमा आएको विदेशी रकम अपरादर्शीरूपमा नेताहरूलाई धनी बनाउन खर्च भएको थाहा पाए भने? त्यो बेला पक्कै पनि आङकाजी शेर्पा किसानको आक्रोश अन्यत्र कतै मोडिनेछ।

संविधान कुनै न कुनैरूपमा जारी होला भन्ने आशा नेपालीलाई भन्दा बढी दाताहरू र अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय जगत्लाई बढी थियो। बेलायतको विदेश मन्त्रालयका उच्च अधिकारी बुधबार नेपालमा थिए, संविधान जारी भएपछि त्यसप्रति समर्थन जनाउने उद्देश्यका साथ। त्यस्तै नर्वेका अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय विकास मामिलामन्त्री हेकी होमासको आगमन हुँदैछ भोलि। डेनमार्क, तुलाधर तथा नागरिक समाजका अन्य अगुवालाई जागिर दिने स्विस जस्तै बेलायत र नर्वेली सरकारका गतिविधिले जातीय विद्वेष फैलाउन मद्दत पुर्याएको छ संविधान लेखनको यो अवधिमा ।

सायद यता आएर बेलायती दातृ निकायले यो तथ्यलाई स्वीकार गरेरै होला, डीएफआईडीको मुख्यालयले हालै आफ्नै नेपालस्थित कार्यालयलाई विवादास्पद परियोजना र क्षेत्रमा लगानी नगर्न र आफू संलग्न परियोजनाबारे आवधिकरूपमा मुख्यालयलाई जानकारी गराउन निर्देशन दिएको छ। नर्वेले त्यस्तो गरिसकेको छैन। बरु यहाँस्थित उसका राजदूत 'विविध अनुहारका बीच 'वादविवाद गराउँदै छन्, हिन्दु धर्मावलम्बीहरू अल्पसंख्यक छन् भन्ने देखाउन । जातीय विभेद हुँदा श्रीलंकामा जस्तै भूमिका खेल्न पाउने उसको आँकलन आफ्ना महत्त्वाकांक्षा र नीतिबाट प्रेरित छ। त्यस्तै हालै चिनियाँ राजदूत याङ होउलानले नेपालस्थित 'इसाई मिसिनरीका प्रमुखहरूले चीनमा उपद्रव फैलाउने तयारी गरेको जानकारी प्रधानमन्त्री भट्टराईलाई दिएका छन्। संविधानसभाको मृत्युपछि बढेको रिक्ततामा विदेशी निहित स्वार्थ फस्टाउन सक्ने चेतावनी पनि चीनले दिएको छ। संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघको नेपाल कार्यालय पनि यो बीचमा विवादमा तानिएको छ। र, जातीयतालाई प्रोत्साहित गरेको आरोप उसमाथि लागेको छ।

नेपालको वर्तमान परिस्थिति र संविधानसभाको मृत्युमा स्वाभाविकरूपमा भारतले आफ्नो नेपाल नीतिलाई अत्यन्त गम्भीरताका साथ हेर्नुपर्नेछ। विगत ६ वर्षयताको नेपाल नीतिमार्फत उसले के पायो या के गुमायो?  यो परिणति अपेक्षित थियो या थिएन उसको आँकलनमा?  यससँगै त्यहाँको राजनीतिक नेतृत्वसमेत नेपाल नीतिको असफलताप्रति गम्भीर भएको प्रारम्भिक संकेतहरू देखा परेका छन्।

नेपालको विगत ६ वर्षको राजनीति धराशायी भएको छ। ठूला दलहरूबीचका दुई दर्जन सहमतिहरू (बृहत् शान्तिसम्झौतासहित) संविधान लेखन प्रक्रियाका हिस्सा बन्न सकेनन्। ती 'असल नियतमा सीमित रहे। यी दलहरूका लागि आफ्नो नेता र दलको महत्त्वाकांक्षाको मात्र अर्थ राख्यो खासगरी राजतन्त्र उन्मूलनपछिको अवस्थामा । सहमतिको माला जपे, तर थाकेनन्। अहिले आएर 'कामचलाउ हैसियतबाटै भए पनि बाबुराम प्रचण्ड जोडी सत्ता, राज्य ढुकुटी र शक्तिमा जवाफदेहिताविहीन रूपमा एकाधिकार जमाउने प्रपञ्चमा छन्, चुनाव हुने सम्भावना छैन।

राष्ट्रपति यादवले भट्टराईलाई 'कामचलाउ हैसियतमा झारे पनि 'सत्ता कब्जाको परिस्थितिबाट मुलुक मुक्त छैन। तर यथार्थ के हो भने माओवादी या चार दलको एकाधिकार सकिएको छ। माओवादी संगठनको आकार र प्रभाव नै भए पनि अहिले राजनीतिक हिसाबले प्रचण्ड, चित्रबहादुर केसी र कमल थापा समान हैसियत राख्दछन्। उनीहरूको एजेन्डाले पनि भोलिको समाधान प्रक्रियामा सम्मानित प्रवेश पाउनैपर्छ। उनीहरूलाई बहिष्कार गर्ने अधिकार न राष्ट्रपतिलाई न त नेपालको परिस्थितिलाई निकास दिन इमानदार र उचित चाहना राख्ने कुनै पनि शक्तिसँग रहनेछ। ०

६३ पछि अन्याय र अप्रजातान्त्रिक तरिकाबाट पन्छाइएका परम्परावादी, अनुदारवादी, नेपाली राष्ट्रियतावादी कुनै पनि शक्ति या सरोकारवालाको भूमिका अबको समाधान खोजीमा अपरिहार्य रहनेछ, नत्र त्यो प्रयास अस्तिको संविधानसभाजसरी तुहिनेछ अर्थहीन बनेर। त्यो प्रयाससँगै नेपालको राजनीतिमा जवाफदेहिताको दरिलो अभ्यास प्रारम्भ हुनु आवश्यक छ, जनता र अझ खासगरी युवा र विद्यार्थी समूहबाट दलित, सीमान्तकृत तथा जनजाति सर्वसाधारणबाट। हामी अधिकार चाहन्छौं, तर के नेताहरू हाम्रा लागि काम गर्दैनन्?  उनीहरूलाई कति दिइएको छ, त्यसको हिसाब दाता र नेताहरू दुवैबाट मागेमा जनता अब उप्रान्त ठगिने छैनन्।

नेपाली समस्याको समाधानको साँचो नेपालीको हातमा आउनेछ र नेपाल टुक्रिएला कि भन्ने डर रहने छैन। नेपाली नेताहरू (ठूला चार दलका) त हरेक क्षण जवाफदेही बन्नैपर्नेछ। अर्कालाई दोष दिएर हैन, आत्मसमीक्षाको न्यूनतम चरित्र प्रदर्शन गरेर मात्र अब उनीहरू जनताबीच जान सक्नेछन्। तर, मुलुक एउटा सत्ताकब्जाको नियत राख्ने व्यक्तिको शासनबाट परिचालित हुन सक्तैन। त्यसका गम्भीर परिणाम आउनेछन् सेना, प्रशासन, राज्यका अन्य निकाय र जनताको मनोबलमा। त्योसँगै चार दलको कुनै पनि नेताले ०६३ यताको मान्यता बोकेर नेतृत्व गर्न हुँदैन र पाउँदैन। राष्ट्रपति यादवले सम्भवत: यसमा गम्भीरता साथ सोच्ने साहस गरिसकका छैनन्। उनले नगरेमा जिम्मा अरूले लिनेछन्। किनकि अन्तरिम संविधान र ०६२-०६३ को गन्तव्य ध्वस्त हुने क्रममा छ।

साभार: अन्नपूर्ण पोष्ट दैनिक

Blame it on the big four


By Yuba Raj Ghimire

Why Nepal’s people and legislators feel they have been betrayed

All legislators in Nepal had strict instructions from their respective parties to be present in the Constituent Assembly (CA) building before 11 am on May 27. They had been told it was a “history-making” day, and they were the makers of it. But in the next 12 hours, they realised they had been fooled by their party bosses. The House did not meet, and the members dispersed stripped of their membership. They got to know from Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai’s televised address that top leaders of the big four parties had failed to arrive at a consensus on contentious issues, including the basis of federalism. With the chances of constitution-delivery within the midnight deadline impossible, Bhattarai recommended fresh polls on November 22.

The inglorious demise of the CA, which entailed nearly 10 billion rupees (INR 6 billion) and four years in the life of a nation, came as a rude shock to them. All that leaders, including Bhattarai, did was “apologise” for the failure, blaming others. The international community responded with disappointment. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon said, “The work of constitution-making should resume without delay, building on what has so far been achieved, and the appropriate legitimate and representative mechanism for this should be found through consensus.”

India, which played a role in bringing the current political actors together, did not conceal its frustration. But New Delhi still encouraged the parties to be guided by the spirit of consensus and peaceful dialogue in their efforts to “transform Nepal into a stable, democratic and prosperous nation”. India “promised” to stand ready to assist Nepal according to “the wishes of the people of Nepal”. Avoiding the mention of “leaders”, unlike in the past, was significant.

The world’s frustration with the big four parties — the Nepali Congress (NC), the Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (UCPN-M), the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML) and the United Democratic Madhesi Front (UDMF) — is natural as they had monopolised the political process for six years. The CA was kept idle and given no agenda to work on.

The big four parties’ failure to arrive at a consensus on federalism was advanced by the Maoists as the only reason for the demise of the House. But apparently there were multiple reasons. Till the last minute, they were divided evenon the words of the preamble.

The Madhesi parties, which initially demanded a single province incorporating about 18 per cent of the total territory and 48 per cent of the population, were not ready to concede more than two provinces in the “Madhes region” and fell out with the NC and CPN-UML which suggested at least five provinces in the plains. The past few weeks also saw a spate of protests against ethnic provinces on a scale difficult to ignore. They petitioned the UN office, and spoke openly against international donors for having “funded” and encouraged caste and ethnic groups aimed at “fragmenting Nepal”. It was perhaps because of this involvement that the international community failed to make a fair assessment of where Nepal’s politics and constitution-making were headed until the last minute.

For the Nepalese, the emerging situation is both a challenge and an opportunity. The big four parties were not only monopolising the political process but also ruthlessly denying any role to wider sections of people that favoured reconciliation between past regimes and radical pro-change elements, and that wanted adherence to due process in constitution-making. All this while, the real agenda was decided behind closed doors, without transparency, and the people, the CA included, were given no role. Nor did the major agreements, except the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, ever become part of the constitution-making process. Nepal’s major media and civil society kept their eyes shut even when aberrations and inadequacies were clear.

Whether fresh polls will take place for yet another CA is doubtful. But genuinely pursuing a politics of reconciliation, and involving every section of society that has been denied space in the last four years, will be the real way to a course correction.

Courtesy: Indian Express

Nepal: Political fluidity at its peak


By N. P. Upadhyaya Nepali

Kathmandu: The Nepalese Constituent Assembly body has died a natural death. Though some disagree to this notion.

High placed sources claim that the CA body which had already become a national burden was forced to embrace a death by the ones who championed the very advent of this order some years back. The people just observed its advent and now they were forced to see its death. The people had virtually no role in either of the events.

Some even claim that the parties which were against the nation being divided on community based lines played a trick which ultimately caused its ‘untimely’ death even after four years of state plunder. RED passport free sale excluded.

The CA in one way or the other was strangled but yet the national population accepted this death as a natural one. Some albeit with heavy hearts. But later may explode.

However, though the nation may appear to have remained in a composed and unruffled situation, yet the things are not that simple enough to take it for granted that things will remain quiet. It is feared that some section of the Nepali society which had to swallow the bitter pill (of the dissolution) may conserve energy, time permitting, and time permitting were likely to burst out their inner feelings creating yet another political hurricane in Nepal. The eventuality can’t be ruled out. Stones have already been dropped in the Nepal’s troubled waters which are sure to create ripples which will remain for some time to come. Omen is not that much favorable.

Nevertheless, Nepali society is otherwise a peace loving one and thus it could faintly be expected that those who have been felt cheated by the State with the abrupt dissolution of the CA body will observe restrain provided the presumed ‘intruders’ halt their nasty encouragement activities aimed at damaging the national harmony of this country further. Some aliens have already been exposed. Yet the internal trauma must not be ignored.

Analysts hope that the despicable elements, both domestic and external ones, would now stop creating fissures among the otherwise friendly population of Nepal.

Now let’s come back to the point.

The CA died or even one could say it was forced to pass away. The CA body though consumed some ten billion rupees for no job which could be noticed.

But the questions remains as to whether the myriad of issues and problems associated with grievances, some genuine ones that had been voiced during these disorderly years will come to a halt and the nation will restore peace or remain in a peaceful state as expected?

Or is the calm observed after the CA death is a bogus one? The peace is a negative one?

Definitely some have taken the sudden demise of the CA body in an easy manner; however, such a death may have caused immense pains in the hearts of those who had expected so many things out from the CA drafted constitution for the preservation of their fundamental rights. Will they remain silent? We doubt.

At yet another plane, questions are being raised as to the Maoist leader, with dark and sad JNU background, who claims that he continues to be the Nepal PM is talking sense?

The fact is that when the CA body has died thus the CA elected Prime Minister also ceases to exist and thus, say constitutional experts, Babu Ram can in no way remain in a position to announce the next CA polls in his present day defunct capacity. Though the President has made him already a caretaker one.

Yet some other experts claim that even the very post of the CA elected Nepal President post too has gone to the dogs. The contention is that once the CA body elected Dr. Yadav as Nepal President and thus the body which elevated his ranks to the President remains itself not in place and, by extension, his current post too cannot acquire authority as is being claimed. However, the fact which could not be ignored is that since the country can’t remain in a state of political vacuum and thus some legitimacy must be awarded to the post of the Nepal Presidency. This should thus mean that the authority of the President remains intact. Doctrine of necessity.

For a minute, if analysts are forced to presume that if both the posts of Nepal PM and President remain not in place after the death of the CA body then how to run the day to day political affairs of the State? More so how to continue the loot of the country under which legal cover?

But with the sad demise of the CA body, questions could still be raised as regards the legality of both the posts, i.e. of the Nepal PM and the President.

Constitutional experts though have made their target to the PM post only. Could be that the experts affiliated with political parties wish the PM being sacked and be replaced by their preferred parties. After all they too were Nepali nationals with the same mindset.

The NC and the UML with some more fringe parties have begun demanding the instant resignation of the PM as they claim that the post of the PM stands as an illegitimate one.

Now the question is that, once again, if the Nepal PM post is illegal then why not the nation’s Apex Court become sensitive? Why some enthusiasts have not yet filed writ petitions demanding the Court’s intervention in declaring the post as to have been illegal if it were at all? (Some have by this time already knocked at the door of the Apex Court).

Babu Ram remains undeterred. He has his overly publicized JNU and NOIDA backing still in place though his own comrade in arms, Mohan Baidya and his hardliner panel has already dubbed Babu Ram post as an illegal one and has also demanded the immediate formation of a national unity government through the issuance of a press note.

However, the paradox remains.

Hasn’t the CA membership of the political leaders too have died with the death of the CA body? If so then how can they become bonafide to rule the country sans legality?

In this situation, as interpreted, analysts see only three institutions that could wield authority and jump into the political scene and they are the Nepal Army, the Supreme Court and the Nepal President, respectively.

Since the country can’t remain in a prolonged political vacuum, one of the three institutions must come for the rescue of the nation. Earlier the better.

The Supreme Court at best could be the best “independent” option as the President is a politically partisan personality though he has so far remained far from any allegations. He very freshly wept observing the national politics deterioration.

One qualified judge could be told to act like an acting president who would later announce fresh elections. But which judge will dare to take such a risk as one of its senior most colleagues has been murdered?

If not then Nepal President has to come forward. If he dilly-dallies in understanding the gravity of the Nepali political situation then the Army may get encouraged.

After all someone has to take the lead in saving the nation. Is not it that?

Interestingly, Ambassador Jayant Prasad was allowed by the Chinese Ambassador Yang Houlan more or less like a “walkover” for more than three months to twist the Nepali politics the Indian way as he was missing from Kathmandu. However, Ambassador Houlan landed Nepal on Saturday, May 26, 2012, and right the very next day, the Nepal CA body died a mysterious death. The free walkover did not work. What an interesting coincidence? 

This must have some links. Keep on searching the possible reasons.

Most shamefully, the proven inept Nepali leaders who ruined the nation with state plunder in the name of drafting of a new republican constitution converged together at Nepal President House, May 28, 2012, for a collective photograph. Worse of it all is that they could be found smiling perhaps for devastating the nation under alien instructions. They jointly smiled on the republican day-the very next day of the CA’s death.  Oh! The Rasputin(s).

In the meanwhile, the Indian BJP leader, Mr. Raj Nath Singh has made some sad notes as regards the Nepali political situation wherein he claims that some aliens intruded into Nepali politics and caused the derailment of the CA body. Nose poking exercise begins. 

His statement issued on Nepal events gives an impression that he and his party, the BJP, were of the Nepali origin to which it is not. Is he referring then to the notion of 'special relations' to what we have not? Bogus idea being revived only to be thrown to the dustbin.

Is he hinting at China then for the entire political hotchpotch?

Mr. Singh should understand that the Nepalese population takes the Indian nationals as aliens much the same way as they take the Chinese. Neighbors only. Not more than that. Mr. Singh can’t claim that he is not an alien for Nepali people. He is an Indian national. While Mr. Singh deplored the “aliens”, he however, did not mention the visible mischievous habits of his own country’s envoy who could be seen loitering around the Nepali leaders most of his working hours-time, overtime not included.  Thus India too must collect its portion in the sad demise of Nepali CA body. Mr. Singh can’t escape simply by shedding crocodile tears.

By the way, yet another BJP leader, Yaswant Sinha, the father-in-law of a senior Indian diplomat Mr. Ashok Kanth, has teased China by being in the United States. The BJP has simply two things left to do: the first being to tear-apart Nepal and the second one: “tease China” as much as you can.  China is “quiet”.

Shame on the Nepali population who have such shameless leaders told to rule the nation. They will once again reemerge with a new mask. Unfortunate mother Nepal.

Yet analysts at this paper condole the untimely demise of the CA body. Rest in peace the great SOUL. The CA is dead; however, the erstwhile CA members are pocketing salaries. Loot after death also is in progress.

Written on May 29, posted June 1st, 2012, with a few additions: Ed.

Courtesy: Telegraphnepal.com

Nepal recalls palace massacre as fresh crisis hits country

By Utpal Parashar, Hindustan Times

As the country passes through another crisis, Nepal on Friday recalled one of the most brutal episodes in its modern history—the royal palace massacre.

It was on this day 11 years ago, when nine members of the royal family including King Birendra Shah and his wife Aishwarya were gunned down by their son, crown prince Dipendra. 

Despite the years, the mystery surrounding the event, refuses do die down. More so when, democracy, four years after monarchy was abolished, strives to find its footing.

On Friday, several newspapers, radio stations and television channels carried reports, columns and blogs on the massacre—but murder of a sitting Supreme Court judge a day earlier got more prominence.

There was more buzz on social media. “11 years and still no justice…we are waiting”, wrote Bhumigat Khukuri on a Facebook page dedicated to the deceased king and queen.

Many Nepalis who are disillusioned and angry at the political parties for recent dissolution of the Constituent Assembly without promulgation of a new constitution also took to the Internet to give vent to feelings.

“When (yo)u were with us no stupidity of those a#%$&*s worked out. But now it makes every Nepali cry seeing the country. Wish (yo)u were here,” wrote Nirva Dahal on Facebook.

There was however no mention of the massacre on the pro-monarchy website launched recently by followers of Birendra’s brother Gyanendra, the last king deposed four years ago.

Many in Nepal still believe the country may have escaped the present political mess and the tortuous route to peace and a new constitution if Birendra were alive.

In 1990, following a series of pro-democracy protests Birendra had promulgated a constitution transforming Nepal into a constitutional monarchy with multiparty democracy.

He was dead in less than 11 years. The official report into the murders said Queen Aishwarya’s opposition to the woman Dipendra wanted to marry was the trigger that prompted him to take the step.

But absence of post-mortems, discrepancies in statements given by some witnesses and doubts regarding the weapons used by Dipendra left many questions unanswered. 

More importantly, it didn’t clarify whether the crown prince had shot himself or was killed by someone else. Dipendra remained in coma for three days before succumbing to injuries.

Courtesy: Hindustan Times