By Yubaraj Ghimire
Prachanda’s influence and his
party’s strength suddenly stand reduced
There has been yet another
setback — arguably the severest one — to the political career of Maoist chief
Prachanda. The Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists (UCPN-M) has suffered a
major split, with senior vice chairman Mohan Baidya Kiran breaking away with 45
of 149 Central Committee members and a substantial following to form a new
party, Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists. Prachanda tried to stall the split,
but neither he nor Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai were willing to quit their
posts, the bottomline the rebels had set for staying in the UCPN-M. For the
rebels, Prachanda and Bhattarai are now “Red Traitors”, “Neo-Revisionists”.
They have been accused of compromising on the objectives of the “people’s war”
that killed more than 16,000 people during the decade-long insurgency that
ended in 2006.
Altogether, 12 out of 19 chiefs
of the party’s frontal organisations have joined the Baidya camp, while rival
claims and clashes between the factions over the property of Nepal’s richest
party have become routine, although the two sides at the top levels have agreed
to restrain their supporters from physically targeting the other. The split has
reduced the political clout of the Maoist party — the biggest party after the
2008 Constituent Assembly elections — in general and Prachanda in particular.
But it will also have a much bigger impact on Nepal’s politics, including the
peace process.
Prachanda does not conceal his
megalomania. But adherence to principle and ideology are not his strong points.
He agreed to support Bhattarai, his deputy, as the prime ministerial candidate
in August not out of magnanimity, but to quell a revolt in the party as both
Baidya and Bhattarai — angry at Prachanda’s monopoly over party resources —
decided to join ranks despite their differences against the party chief. But
Baidya felt offended and “betrayed” after Prachanda and Bhattarai agreed to
dispatch the Nepal
army to the cantonments where clashes between combatants owing their allegiance
to either Baidya or Prachanda had become routine.
However, it is not only the
UCPN-M that has split. All the other three major political parties — the Nepali
Congress (NC), the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML)
and the United Democratic Madhesi Front (UDMF) — either suffer from major
internal differences or lack clarity on contentious issues. They have not been
able to come together to propose the leadership and composition of the
“National Unity Government” as asked by President Ram Baran Yadav. The
president is clear that Bhattarai should not continue as caretaker PM for long.
A meeting of the four major
political groups, held at the initiative of Prachanda on Wednesday, decided to
begin the constitution-making exercise from where they broke off following the
CA’s demise on May 28. But that was a tactical move on Prachanda’s part to show
that he is still the most important personality and influence. With Baidya
gone, Prachanda will no more be able to play on the tactical differences and
personality clash between Bhattarai and Baidya and establish his supremacy. At
the same time, with no CA or parliament in existence, Bhattarai will have less
to worry about accountability. With the Baidya faction already raising charges
of corruption and embezzlement of party funds, Bhattarai can even use that as a
tool to keep Prachanda at his side. Bhattarai has showed time and again that he
is capable of taking decisions independently, ignoring the party’s dictate.
On June 18, Bhattarai left for Rio de Janeiro to
participate at the UN conference on sustainable development against the
instructions of the party’s standing committee. Bhattarai was determined to go
there — largely to interact with the international community, including Indian
PM Manmohan Singh — and reassure them that Nepal’s peace process is safe
“under my leadership”.
But neither the peace process nor
the promised consolidation of democracy are on track. The Baidya group has said
the 12-point understanding “mediated” by India
has resulted in increased Indian interference and that of other counties in Nepal’s
internal affairs. It also has kept its option of armed revolt open.
Alternatively, the faction wants an all-sides round table conference — which
means a larger role for political parties and that the days of monopoly of the
big four are over. Baidya’s message is clear that Prachanda and Bhattarai were
responsible for not writing the “people’s constitution”, and that they should
cease to be the leaders. The erosion of their credibility and roles will have a
much bigger impact on the peace process since the two have dictated the agenda
decisively. The others, including the NC and CPN-UML, have simply followed them
in the past six years.
Courtesy:
Indian Express, Jun 26, 2012
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